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                    <TEI xmlns="http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0"><text xml:lang="eng"><body><div type="translation" n="urn:cts:pdlpsci:bodin.livrep.perseus-eng1" xml:lang="eng"><div n="6" type="textpart" subtype="book"><div n="5" type="textpart" subtype="chapter"><head><hi rend="italic">CHAP. V.</hi> That a well ordered Commonweale dependeth not
                     either of lot, either of choyce, and much lesse of women; but by discent to be
                     deriued from a most honounourable <milestone n="D" unit="unspec"/> stocke: and
                     that it ought to be giuen but to one alone, without partition.</head><p><seg rend="decorInit">I</seg>T is not enough to say, that a Royall and lawfull
                     Monarchy is<note place="marg" anchored="true">What Royal <gap reason="illegible" extent="1+_letters" instant="false"/>onarchie is
                        best.</note> better than either a Democratie, or an Aristocratie, except a
                     man say also, such a Monarchy as is by successiue right diuolued unto the next
                     heire male of the name, and that without partition. For albeit that the lawfull
                     Monarchy be alwayes to bee preferred before other Commonweals, yet
                     neuerthelesse so it is, that amongst Monarchies that which commeth by a
                     successiue right unto the <milestone n="E" unit="unspec"/> heires males, of
                     name, neerest in blood, and without partition, is much more commendable and
                     sure, than are the other which come by lot, or by choyce, or will, to the heirs
                     male, but not to the neerest; or unto the neerest, but yet by the mothers side;
                     or that is the neerest by the fathers side, but yet is to make partition of the
                     whole Monarchy with other the coheires; or else of some part thereof. All which
                     it is needfull for vs by necessary reasons, and examples, to declare; to take
                     away the opinion that many imprint into another princes subiects, and by that
                     meanes entertaine rebellions, so to chaunge well ordered Monarchies, and to
                     moue as it were both heauen and earth. All which they do under the vaile of
                     vertue, of pietie, and of iustice. Yea some there are to <pb n="722" facs="369"/> be found, which have bene so bold, as to publish bookes, and to maintaine
                     against their <milestone n="F" unit="unspec"/> naturall prince, come unto the
                     crowne by lawfull succession, That the right of choyce is better in a Monarchy:
                     as was done in England the seuenth of September, in the yere 1566, the queene
                     then present at the disputation of the schollers of Oxford; the question<note place="marg" anchored="true">This question was indeed then in Oxford disputed, &amp; the
                        right of succession notably defended, and before election preferred.</note>
                     being, That it were better to have kings chosen by election, than by
                     succession. Which new doctrine not a little troubled, not the queene onely, but
                     euen the nobilitie also of that kingdome, then there present. For why, from
                     such beginnings wee see the subiects to proceed unto mutinies, unto rebellions,
                     and at length euen unto open wars. And who is he that would not be moued to
                     heare the inuectiue speech of an eloquent man, detesting the cruelties, the
                     exactions, and rapines of a tyrant? who neither hath the honour of God, neither
                     the truth, neither iustice, in regard: who driueth away the <milestone n="G" unit="unspec"/> good men, and ioyneth himselfe unto the euill: and in the
                     end ioyneth thereunto this exclamation, O how happie is that Monarchy, wherein
                     the estates of the people make<note place="marg" anchored="true">To possesse the people with
                           <gap reason="illegible" extent="1+_letters" instant="false"/>n opinion, that have the<gap reason="illegible" extent="1+_letters" instant="false"/> king by election, is better than to have him by
                        succession, a thing most dangerous unto soueraigne princes.</note> choyce of
                     a iust and upright king, who aboue all things feareth God, and honoureth
                     vertue: who regardeth the good, and chastiseth the euil: who unto the honest
                     appointeth due rewards, and unto the wicked condigne punishments: who abhorreth
                     flatterers, who keepeth his faith and promise; who banisheth the blood suckers
                     and deuisors of new exactions out of the court, who spareth his subiects blood
                     as his owne, who revengeth the wrong done to others, and pardoneth the iniurie
                     done unto himselfe; and who in briefe more esteemeth of religion and vertue,
                     than of all other things in the world. And so hauing set these prayses, with
                     the counterpoise of a tyranny repleat with <milestone n="H" unit="unspec"/> all
                     vices, the vulgar sort forthwith conceiueth an opinion, that there is nothing
                     more happy, than the Monarchy which falleth into election: yea and not they of
                     the simpler sort onely, and such as have small understanding in the knowledge
                     of matters of policie, but euen they also which are accounted of all others the
                     most sufficient, are oftentimes deceiued, and much mistaken, in regarding
                     nothing but the apparant good on the one side, without respect unto the
                     innumerable absurdities and inconueniences which are to be found on the other.
                     For euen <hi rend="italic">Aristotle</hi> himselfe is of opinion▪ That Monarchs
                     should be created by election, calling the people barbarous, which have their
                     kings by right of succession. And for which cause he deemed the
                     Carthaginensians more happy than the Lacedemonians, for that these had their
                     kings by succession <milestone n="I" unit="unspec"/> from the fathers to the
                     sonne in the stocke and line of <hi rend="italic">Hercules,</hi> whereas the
                        others<note place="marg" anchored="true">Most people to have had their kings by successi on,
                        rather than by election, contrary unto the opinion of Aristotle.</note>
                     still had them by election and choyce. But so he might call the Assyrians
                     barbarous, the Medes, the Persians, the Aegyptians, the people of Asia, the
                     Parthians, the Armenians, the Indians, the Affricans, the Turkes, the Tartars,
                     the Arabians, the Moscouites, the Celtes, the Englishmen, the Scots, the
                     Frenchmen, the Spaniards, the Perusines, the Numidians, the Ethiopians; and an
                     infinit number of other people, who still haue, and alwayes before had, their
                     kings by right of succession. Yea and wee find in Greece (the countrey of <hi rend="italic">Aristotle</hi> himselfe) that the Athenians, the
                     Lacedemonians, Sicyonians, the Corinthians, the Thebans, the Epirots, the
                     Macedonians, had more than by the space of six hundred yeares, had their kings
                     by right of lawfull succession, before that <milestone n="K" unit="unspec"/>
                     ambition had blinded them to chaunge their Monarchies into Democraties and
                     Aristocraties. Which had likewise taken place in Italie also, whereas the
                     Hetruscians and Latines for many worlds of yeares had their kings still
                     descending from the fathers to the sonnes. Now if so many people and nations
                     were all barbarous, where then should humanitie and ciuilitie have place? It
                     should be onely in Polonia, in Denmarke, and in Sweden: for that almost these
                     people alone have their kings by election: and yet of them almost none, but
                     such as were themselves also royally descended. <hi rend="italic">Cicero</hi>
                     saith, humanitie and courtesie to have taken beginning in the lesser Asia, and
                     from thence to <pb n="723" facs="369"/> have bene divided unto all the other
                     parts of the world: and yet for all that the people <milestone n="A" unit="unspec"/> of Asia had no other kings, but by succession from the
                     father to the son, or some other the neerest of kin. And of all the auntient
                     kings of Greece, we find none but <hi rend="italic">Timondas,</hi> who was
                     chosen king of Corinth, and <hi rend="italic">Pittacus</hi> of Nigropont. And
                     at such time as the royall name and line sailed, oftentimes the strongest or
                     the mightiest carried it away▪ as it chaunced after the death of <hi rend="italic">Alexander</hi> the Great, who was in right line descended from
                        <hi rend="italic">Hercules,</hi> and the kings of Macedon, who had continued
                     aboue five hundred yeares: whose lieutenants afterwards made themselves kings,
                        <hi rend="italic">Antipater</hi> of Macedon, <hi rend="italic">Antigonus</hi> of Asia the lesse, <hi rend="italic">Nicanor</hi> of the
                     upper Asia, <hi rend="italic">Lysimachus</hi> of Thracia: so that there is not
                     one to be found among them, which was made king by election. So that euen
                     Greece itself (the nurse of learning &amp; knowledge) shuld by this reason, in
                     the iudgement <milestone n="B" unit="unspec"/> of <hi rend="italic">Aristoile,</hi> be deemed barbarous. Howbeit that the word <hi rend="italic">Barbarous,</hi> was in auntient time no word of disgrace, but
                     attributed unto them which spake a strange language and not the naturall
                     language of the countrey. For so the Hebrewes called also the auntient
                     Aegyptians, then of all nations the most courteous and learned, <hi rend="italic">Barbarous,</hi> that is to say, <gap reason="omitted" rend="〈 in non-latin alphabet 〉" instant="false"/>, for that they used the Aegyptian tongue,
                     and not the Hebrew.<note place="marg" anchored="true"><hi rend="italic">Psal.</hi> 113.</note>

                  </p><p>But in all Monarchies which go by election, there is one daunger thereunto
                        alwaies<note place="marg" anchored="true">Great daungers incident unto an estate or
                        kingdome, where the king or other <gap reason="illegible" extent="1+_letters" instant="false"/>oueraigne
                        prince, is to be chosen by election.</note> incident, which is, that after
                     the death of the king, the estate remaineth a meere Anarchy, without king,
                     without lord, without government, still in danger of ruine; as a ship without a
                     maister, which oweth the wracke of it selfe unto the first storme or wind that
                     ariseth: theeves and murderers in the meane time at their pleasures committing
                     their <milestone n="C" unit="unspec"/> murders, and such other their most
                     hainous outrages, with hope of impunitie; as the common manner is after the
                     death of the popes, of the kings of Tunes, and in former times after the death
                     of the Sultans of Aegypt. For there have bene such as have committed<note place="marg" anchored="true">The great disorders in Rome, in the vacancie of the papacie,
                        and before the new pope be chosen.</note> fiftie sundrie murders, and yet
                     have alwayes had the popes pardon therefore: the popes at their first entrance
                     into the papacie, still pardoning all men their offences whatsoeuer: and so
                     murders and revenges commonly referred unto the popes death, remaine then
                     vnpunished. So that in the yeare 1522, there were two executed at Rome, whereof
                     the one tearmed himselfe <hi rend="italic">Pater noster,</hi> and the other <hi rend="italic">Aue Maria,</hi> who at diuers times had stabbed and murdered
                     an hundred and sixteene men, as was then proued.<milestone n="D" unit="unspec"/> And the first thing that they commonly doe, the Papall seat being vacant, is
                     to breake open the prisons, to kill the gailors, to enlarge the offendors, to
                     revenge iniuries by all meanes: which continueth vntill that the colledge of
                     cardinals have agreed of a successor, wherein sometime they have beene at such
                     discord and variance among themselves, as that the seat hath bene vacant two
                     yeres and foure moneths together: as it chanced after the death of <hi rend="italic">Clement</hi> the 5: yea &amp; sometime 10 yeres, as after the
                     election of the duke of Sauoy surnamed <hi rend="italic">Foelix.</hi> We read
                     also oftentimes two or three popes, and as many emperors, to have bene chosen
                     at once; and the empire to have stood vacant a yeare or two together, yea whole
                     eighteene yeares, after that <hi rend="italic">William</hi> countie of Holland
                     the emperour, was slaine. And albeit that the princes electors made offer
                        <milestone n="E" unit="unspec"/> of the empire unto the king of Spayne, <hi rend="italic">Alphonsus</hi> the tenth, yet so it was that he would not
                     accept thereof, for the manifest daunger that he was to put himselfe into by
                     taking upon him sueh an estate, exposed unto the will and pleasure of the
                     subiects, unto the enuie of princes, and the violence of murtherers: all which
                     time of vacancie the wicked neuerthelesse are out of frame in all kind of loose
                     libertie. Which in some sort to remedie, the Polonians (who have their kings by
                     election) double the penalties for the offences committed during the choyce of
                     the king, as I have learned of <hi rend="italic">Zamoschy</hi> now Chauncellour
                     of Polonia, but as then ambassadour in Fraunce. So wee read also that during
                     the elections of the Sultans of Aegypt (before it was by the Turkes subdued,
                     and <pb n="724" facs="370"/> by them unto their empire vnited) the poore
                     subiects, and the best townes and cities in <milestone n="F" unit="unspec"/>
                     the whole kingdome, were sacked and rifled by the Mammalukes: vntill that some
                     one of them by the consent of all the rest was chosen Sultan.</p><p>Now if some (to remedie the matter) shall say, That in the meane time there
                        might<note place="marg" anchored="true">No lesse dangerous in the vacancy of a kingdome, to
                        make choyce of a soueraigne gouernor than of a king himselfe.</note> a
                     gouernour be established: he is therein deceiued, it being a no lesse hard
                     matter, to make choyce of a lieutenant or gouernour, than of a king. But admit
                     he might so bee made without any contradiction, by the consent of all the
                     estates to whome it belongeth, to name their gouernour, yet who should be the
                     suretie and warrant for his faith? Who should let him (hauing the power in his
                     hand) to inuade the estate? who should disarme him being not willing thereunto?
                     Wee see how <hi rend="italic">Gostauus</hi> father of <hi rend="italic">Iohn</hi> king of Sweden behaued himselfe, who of a gouernour made himselfe
                     a king, without expecting <milestone n="G" unit="unspec"/> of any other
                     election at all, and so lest the regall power by strong garrisons confirmed
                     unto his posteritie. And to leaue the government unto the Senat, as they do in
                     Polonia, and did of auntient time in Rome, is no lesse daungerous, least in the
                     meane time some of the stronger and bolder sort should possesse themselves of
                     the fortresses and stronger places: as did <hi rend="italic">Pompey
                        Columna,</hi> and <hi rend="italic">Anthonie Sauelle,</hi> who ceized uppon
                     the Capitoll at Rome, proclaiming unto the people libertie. And in the time of
                     such vacancie civill warres and dissentions are impossible to be auoided, not
                     only amongst the most warlike nations, but euen amongst the church men also: so
                     that it was neuer<note place="marg" anchored="true">Many popes flaine or poisoned, about their
                        election.</note> possible to prouide so well, but that two and twentie popes
                     had their heads chopt off, and many moe of them by strong factions driuen out
                     of their seats: not to speake in the <milestone n="H" unit="unspec"/> meane
                     time of them (in number almost infinit) who have by poyson (the common death of
                     the bishops of Rome) perished. Yea we read that euen in the primitiue church,
                        <hi rend="italic">viz.</hi> in the yeare of our Lord 356, there were six
                     hundred persons slaine in the verie citie of Rome, about the election of <hi rend="italic">Damasus</hi> and <hi rend="italic">Vrsicinus,</hi> whether of
                     them should bee pope. Neither was that onely done at Rome, but almost in euerie
                     towne and citie,<note place="marg" anchored="true">Why the choyce of bishops, and
                        ecclesiasticall prese<gap reason="illegible" extent="1+_letters" instant="false"/>ments was taken from the
                        people.</note> which had in them any bishops, all places were so filled with
                     so many of Laodicia, that from thence forward it should not be lawfull for the
                     people, to meddle with the choice of the bishops and prelats, or the bestowing
                     of the ecclesiasticall preferments. Wherefore <hi rend="italic">Athanasius,</hi> and <hi rend="italic">Augustine,</hi> both bishops,
                     appointed whome they would have to succeed them in their bishoprikes, the one
                     at Alexandria, and the other at Hippona.<milestone n="I" unit="unspec"/> What
                     should I speake of the Roman civill warres, and after them of the Germans,
                     about the choice of their emperours? their bookes, their histories, and all
                     their monuments, are full thereof. Wherein we cannot without iudignation and
                     horror, remember the miserable wasting countries, the mutuall slaughter of
                     citisens, and sacking of most noble cities, mischiefs still done either by the
                     one side or the other.</p><p>And yet there is another inconuenience also, not to be omitted, which is, That
                        kingdomes<note place="marg" anchored="true">The publike demaine most com monly dissipated or
                        embeseled by princes electiue.</note> going by election, have nothing in
                     them which at one time or other is not subiect unto all mens spoiles: so that
                     euen the publike demaines, and such as before were common, and wherein euerie
                     man had a common interest: we see them in a little time conuerted euen vnto
                     particular mens vses: so as we see it to have happened in the demaine
                        <milestone n="K" unit="unspec"/> of Saint <hi rend="italic">Peter</hi> at
                     Rome, as also in the demaine of the German empire. For the princes elect
                     knowing wel that they cannot long raigne, nor that they cannot leaue unto their
                     children any thing of the estate, more than what they thinke they can by deceit
                     and fraud purloine and hold, care not to giue any thing unto the magistrats
                     their friends: or by open sales and donations, to make their owne profit of the
                     publike reuenues and possessions. So <hi rend="italic">Rodolph</hi> the
                     emperour for money exempted all the towns and cities of Tuscanie from the
                     fealtie and obedience which they ought unto the German empire: <hi rend="italic">Robert</hi> also the emperour, gaue three of the imperiall
                     townes unto his <pb n="725" facs="370"/> sonne: <hi rend="italic">Henry</hi>
                     the first ceased upon Saxonie: <hi rend="italic">Fredericke</hi> the second
                     enfranchised Nuremberg:<milestone n="A" unit="unspec"/>

                     <hi rend="italic">Otho</hi> the third enfranchised Isne: <hi rend="italic">Lewes</hi> of Bauiere did the like for the towne of Egre: <hi rend="italic">Henry</hi> the fist sold all he could: and <hi rend="italic">Charles</hi>
                     the fourth being not able to pay the hundred thousand crownes which he had
                     promised to every one of the princes electors, sold unto them all the tributes
                     of the empire, to have them to chuse his sonne <hi rend="italic">Charles</hi>
                     emperour, as he indeed was: but afterwards againe thrust out euen by the same
                     princes who had before made choice of him. So that the principall and strongest
                     sinewes of that Commonweale being cut in sunder, the whole body of the empire
                     became so weake and feeble, that <hi rend="italic">Charles</hi> duke of
                     Burgundie doubted not to wake warre upon the Germaine princes.<note place="marg" anchored="true">Nothing more intollerable than a man of base degree suddenly
                        mounted up unto great honor.</note>

                  </p><p>Another point there is also well worth the consideration, which is, That a man
                     of <milestone n="B" unit="unspec"/> base degree suddenly mounted unto the
                     highest degree of honour, thinketh himselfe to bee a god upon earth. For as the
                     wise Hebrew saith, There is nothing more intollerable than the slaue become a
                     lord. And on the other side such is the feruent loue of the father toward his
                     sonnes, that he will rather confound heauen and earth together (if he haue
                     power so to do) than not to leaue unto them the crowne, but to let it rest in
                     the voyces and choice of the ignorant people,</p><p>But let vs yet go further, for why these are not the greatest inconueniences.
                        For<note place="marg" anchored="true">Another great inconuenience about the election of
                        soueraigne princes.</note> where the people is to chuse their king, they
                     must either make choice of a stranger, or of a naturall subiect: Now if choice
                     bee to bee made out of the naturall subiects, then <milestone n="C" unit="unspec"/> every the most impudent and audatious fellow will by all
                     right and wrong seeke to aspire unto the soueraigntie: and if there bee many of
                     them of equall power and<note place="marg" anchored="true">No accord where every man would be a
                        lord.</note> grace, it is impossible but that there should be great
                     factions, wherin the people should become partakers: or in case they were not
                     equall, neither in vertue nor wealth, yet so it is that they would presume
                     themselves to be equall, and neuer agree one of them to obey another, but
                     wishing rather to endure the commaund euen of strange and wicked princes, than
                     of another subiect their equall. As it happened in Armenia (as <hi rend="italic">Tacitus</hi> reporteth) where the nobilitie could endure none
                     to bee their king but a meere stranger. And of late in Polonia <hi rend="italic">Sigismundus Augustus</hi> the king beeing dead, and a
                     controuersie arising amongst the nobilitie, every one of them longing after the
                     kingdome; <milestone n="D" unit="unspec"/> a decree was made whereby all the
                     naturall subiects were embarred from obtaining of the kingdome: as I learned of
                     the Polonian embassador, whom I was commanded to attend after they were entred
                     into the confines of this kingdome, to conduct them unto <hi rend="italic">Henry</hi> the king.</p><p>And in the remēbrance of our fathers when as the Aegyptian Sultans were chosen
                     by the voyces of the pretorian souldiers or Mammalukes, &amp; they not able to
                     endure one of them to be greater than another, had slaine diuerse of their
                     Sultans: they at last to stint the strife, by their common consent sent their
                     embassadors unto <hi rend="italic">Campson</hi> king of Caramania to become
                     their Sultan, and to take upon him the kingdome of Aegypt being by them offred
                     him. With the same calamities the Germaine princes also troubled,<milestone n="E" unit="unspec"/> after diuerse murthers of the emperours of their owne
                     country, oftentimes made choyce of strangers, yea and those right small
                     princes: as of one <hi rend="italic">William</hi> earle of Holland, and of <hi rend="italic">Henrie</hi> earle of Lutzembourg, one while also making choice
                     of the king of England, and another while of the king of Spaine: yea, sometime
                     such forraine princes refusing that same empire so offered them: For so <hi rend="italic">Alphonsus</hi> the tenth king of Spaine refused the imperiall
                     crowne by the princes electors offered him, which afterwards stood emptie aboue
                     eighteene yeares, as we have before sayd. <hi rend="italic">Sigismund</hi>
                        also<note place="marg" anchored="true">The imperiall crowne of diuers▪ strange princes
                        refused.</note> the first king of Polonia, refused the kingdome of Hungarie,
                     of Bohemia and Denmarke, being thereunto inuited by the Estates. So also <hi rend="italic">Lewes</hi> the twelfth refused the <pb n="726" facs="371"/>
                     Seignorie of Pisa: and the antient Romans (as saith <hi rend="italic">Appian</hi>) refused diuerse people <milestone n="F" unit="unspec"/> which
                     would have submitted themselves under their obeysance. But admit that the
                     strange prince do not refuse a kingdome so offered him: which if it bee farre
                     off from the bounds of his owne kingdome, hee must than either leaue his owne,
                     or gouerne the strange kingdome by his deputies or lieutenants: both things
                     absurd and inconvenient.<note place="marg" anchored="true">A strange kingdome hard to be
                        gouerned by lieutenants or deputies.</note> For who is he so foolish that
                     had not rather to looke to his owne things than to other mens? and what nation
                     or people can with patience endure to be gouerned by deputies? so to have him
                     whom they would not, and to want him whom they made choice of. So <hi rend="italic">Lewes</hi> king of Hungarie at the request of his wife
                     daughter to <hi rend="italic">Casimire</hi> king of Polonia, tooke upon him the
                     kingdome of Polonia conferted unto him by the voyces of the people: into which
                     kingdome he was inuested, and receiued <milestone n="G" unit="unspec"/> with
                     the greatest acclamations, and applauses of all men that might be: who yet
                     shortly after, whether it were for that he found himselfe offended with the
                     sharpnesse of the Polonian aire: or that he was allured with the pleasures and
                     delights of Hungarie, or that he was by the vowes and requests of his owne
                     people recalled: returned home, leauing his wife unto the Polonians (her
                     countremen) with a traine of the Hungarians to attend upon her: where so it was
                     that the Polonians mindfull of the Great <hi rend="italic">Casimire</hi> her
                     father, for a space endured the womans soueraigntie, but could in no wise
                     endure her traine of Hungarians. And so also not long ago <hi rend="italic">Henry, Charles</hi> the French kings brother called unto the kingdome of
                     Polonia, his brother being dead, withall speed returned unto his owne naturall
                     kingdome: howbeit the Polonians would by <milestone n="H" unit="unspec"/> no
                     meanes endure the gouernement of his deputies or lieutenants, but by voyce
                     chose unto themselves a king: although that they could by no right or reason do
                     so, but by the consent of <hi rend="italic">Henry,</hi> unto whom they had
                     giuen all the soueraigne rights, whereunto they had not annexed any clause or
                     condition (when as question was of the kingdome of France to fall unto him)
                     that hee should not in his absence by his deputies or lieutenants gouerne that
                     kingdome bestowed upon him: as hath bene alwayes lawfull for all princes to do.
                     For it is an old axiome, a donation once consummate and perfected not to admit
                     any moe conditions. But admit both the kingdomes confine together, as doth
                     Polonia and Hungarie; what doubt is there but that he will, if he can, make one
                     kingdome of two? or change an Aristocratique estate into a right
                        Monarchie:<milestone n="I" unit="unspec"/> yea, and that by force of armes,
                     if the nobilitie or people shall withstand him, whereof we have an example of
                     the Emperour <hi rend="italic">Charles</hi> the fifth, who after the ouerthrow
                     of the Germaine princes had changed the Aristocracie of the Germaines into a
                     kingdome, and had caused his sonne <hi rend="italic">Philip</hi> to be sent for
                     out of Spaine into Germanie, to have made him king of the Germaines, had not
                        <hi rend="italic">Henry</hi> the second the French<note place="marg" anchored="true">Charles
                        the fift about to have made his sonne Philip king of Germanie.</note> king
                     most mightily withstood him, and so broken his designes. The occasion of <hi rend="italic">Iulius Pflugius</hi> the Bishop is yet extant wherein hee
                     laboureth to persuade that one thing especially, viz. that the most sure
                     foundations of the Germaine empire might be layd. And in case that the prince
                     cannot ioyne the kingdome which he hath got by election confining upon him,
                     unto his owne naturall kingdome: yet will he so much as in him <milestone n="K" unit="unspec"/> lieth draw all the profits, fruits, and reuenues of the
                     strange kingdome unto his owne: and hauing taken away the voyces from the
                     nobilitie whom hee hath in his power, shall appoint or cause them to chuse
                     whomsoeuer pleaseth him to succeed him: as the kings of Denmarke, of Thunes,
                     yea and the Germaine emperours also themselves by a custome of long receiued
                     from their ancestors have used to do: in such sort as that the rights of
                     elections by voyces, seeme to be vtterly taken away. So <hi rend="italic">Ladislaus</hi> king of Bohemia, the sonne of <hi rend="italic">Albertus,</hi> and the emperour <hi rend="italic">Fredericke</hi> the third
                     his nephew,<note place="marg" anchored="true">Kingdomes electiug oftentimes changed into
                        hereditarie.</note> by the voyce of the people chosen king of Hungarie by a
                     certaine bond of fealtie, left <pb n="727" facs="371"/> that kingdome unto his
                     nearest kinsmen all most hereditarie. And albeit that <hi rend="italic">Matthias</hi>

                     <milestone n="A" unit="unspec"/>

                     <hi rend="italic">Coruinus</hi> the sonne of the noble <hi rend="italic">Huniades (Ladislaus</hi> being dead without issue) by the voyces of the
                     people obtained that kingdome (they alwaies pretending that the right of the
                     choice of the king belonged to them; and that the succession of the next of
                     kinne was not to take place) yet for all that <hi rend="italic">Fredericke</hi>
                     his nearest kinsman was about both with his owne power, and the strength of the
                     whole empire to have inuaded that kingdome, and had vndoubtedly so done, had
                     not <hi rend="italic">Matthias</hi> by his promise put him in hope of the
                     kingdome for himselfe and his posteritie: if he should himselfe die without
                     issue, as by chance he did. Howbeit, yet neuerthelesse that <hi rend="italic">Matthias</hi> being dead, the Hungarians made choice of another <hi rend="italic">Ladislaus</hi> king of Bohemia and Polonia also: without
                     regard of the conuention and agreement before made with <hi rend="italic">Fredericke,</hi> which was <milestone n="B" unit="unspec"/> the cause of a
                     most great and cruell warre for the kingdome of Hungarie: which could by no
                     meanes be appeased: vntill that by all the degrees of the people of that
                     kingdom it was decreed that it should from thenceforth be hereditarie: and that
                     after the death of <hi rend="italic">Dadislaus Maximilian</hi> the sonne of <hi rend="italic">Fredericke</hi> should succeed in that kingdome, as indeed he
                     did: But his nephew being left under age, and the estates of the kingdome
                     pretending them to have the right to make their choice of his gouernours;
                     against <hi rend="italic">Fredericke</hi> who sought to step into the
                     gouernement of Hungarie, and to take upon him the guard and protection of the
                     yong king his nephew: the people of Hungarie, yea, and the sister of <hi rend="italic">Ferdinand</hi> (the yong kings mother) chose rather to cast
                     themselves into <hi rend="italic">Solyman</hi> the great Turkes lappe, and so
                     to betray both king and kingdome, rather <milestone n="C" unit="unspec"/>

                     <note place="marg" anchored="true">The Hungarians for the maintenance of their electiue right
                        now fallen into the perpetuall sernitude and sla<gap reason="illegible" extent="1+_letters" instant="false"/>

                        <gap reason="illegible" extent="1+_letters" instant="false"/>f the Turk.</note> than to endure the gouernement
                     of the emperour <hi rend="italic">Ferdinand</hi> in such sort, that they for
                     the maintenance of the right of their election, are now fallen into the
                     perpetuall seruitude of the Turke: hauing not onely lost the right of their
                     election, which they so striue for; but in hazard also to loose their lawes,
                     libertie, and religion: as the common custome of all strange princes is (as
                     much as in them lieth) to change the lawes, customes, and religion of the
                     people by them subdued, or oppressed, and to enure them, or otherwise to
                     enforce them to embrace and follow their fashions, manners, and religions: and
                     was as should seeme the principal cause why God forbid his people to make
                     choice of a strange prince to raigne over them.</p><p>And yet in matter of election the way being open to manie competitours, if the
                        <milestone n="D" unit="unspec"/>

                     <note place="marg" anchored="true">Princes by election created still to be in great
                        danger.</note> matter be to be tried by force, alwayes the most wicked and
                     deceitfull: or else the most hardie and aduenterous, put all upon hazard to
                     attaine thereunto: And if it hap the most vertuous to be chosen, his life is
                     still in danger of the competitours being of greater power: as in Germanie it
                     hath bene seene: where within this 360 yeares, since that Monarchie fell into
                     election, there have bene eight or nine emperours slaine or poysoned,<note place="marg" anchored="true">Diuerse electiu<gap reason="illegible" extent="1+_letters" instant="false"/> emperours and princes
                           murth<gap reason="illegible" extent="1+_letters" instant="false"/>red, or els shamefully deposed.</note> and
                     among others, <hi rend="italic">William</hi> of Holland, <hi rend="italic">Rodolph, Albert, Henry</hi> the seuenth, <hi rend="italic">Fredericke</hi>
                     the second, <hi rend="italic">Lewis</hi> of Bauaria, <hi rend="italic">Charles</hi> the nephew of <hi rend="italic">Henry,</hi> and <hi rend="italic">Gunther:</hi> besides all them who were most shamefully thrust
                     out of the imperiall seate. And of 15 Sultans which were chosen kings of
                     Aegypt, there were seuen of them slaine: namely, <hi rend="italic">Turqueman,
                        Melaschall, Cothus, Bandocader, Mehemet, Cercasse,</hi> and <hi rend="italic">Geapalt.</hi> And of the <milestone n="E" unit="unspec"/>
                     Romane emperours after the death of <hi rend="italic">Augustus,</hi> there were
                     seuen one after another massacred, poysoned, or strangled: and that three of
                     them in one yeare, oppressed only by the conspiracie of citisens. Yea, the
                     pretorian souldiers sometimes slew the emperours to have a new, onely upon hope
                     of gifts and largesses. But still hee of whom the Senators made choice,
                     displeased the legions and men of warre: yea oftentimes every armie created an
                     emperour, in such sort as that at one time there were thirtie Romane emperours
                     chosen in diuerse places, and among them one woman, viz. <hi rend="italic">Zenobia:</hi> all the empire being in civill warres and combustion who
                     should carry away the state, <pb n="728" facs="372"/> no end thereof being to
                     be found vntill that the rest were by the power of one all oppressed.<milestone n="F" unit="unspec"/> Neither was there any assurance in the estate, if the
                     sonnes either lawfull or adoptiue succeeded not their fathers without election,
                     so as did <hi rend="italic">Tiberius, Titus, Traian,</hi>

                     <note place="marg" anchored="true">No assurance in the estate where the succ<gap reason="illegible" extent="1+_letters" instant="false"/>ssion is not established.</note>

                     <hi rend="italic">Adrian, Antoninus Pius, Marcus Aurelius,</hi> and <hi rend="italic">Commodus.</hi> But if any of the emperours gaue not order for
                     the adopting of his successour, in case hee had himselfe no children, the
                     commonweale alwayes fell againe into civill wars. And for this cause the<note place="marg" anchored="true">The great care the good Roman emperours had for the
                           certainti<gap reason="illegible" extent="1+_letters" instant="false"/> of the succession, lest after their
                        death the empire should fall into the dangers ensuing upon election.</note>
                     emperour <hi rend="italic">Adrian</hi> fearing lest the estate should fall into
                     election, he himselfe hauing no children, thought it not enough to adopt <hi rend="italic">Antoninus Pius,</hi> but also caused him to adopt <hi rend="italic">Marcus Aurelius,</hi> and <hi rend="italic">Aelius Vetus:</hi>
                     following therein the wisedome of <hi rend="italic">Augustus,</hi> who to
                     preuent the warres oftentimes arising about election, adopted his two little
                     nephews <hi rend="italic">Caius</hi> and <hi rend="italic">Lucius:</hi> who
                     both dying without issue, hee adopted also his third <milestone n="G" unit="unspec"/> nephew <hi rend="italic">Agrippa,</hi> and with him <hi rend="italic">Tiberius</hi> his sonne in law: yet with condition that hee
                     should first adopt <hi rend="italic">Germanicus.</hi> And they which were so
                     adopted and appointed heires of the empire, were called <hi rend="italic">principes iuuentutis,</hi> or princes of the youth: and afterward of the
                     Germaines; <hi rend="italic">reges Romanorum,</hi> or kings of the Romans: to
                     the end that euen in estates and Monarchies going by election, there might yet
                     be some certaine successor. For so <hi rend="italic">Henry</hi> the third the
                     emperour whilest he yet lived caused his sonne to be chosen king of the Romans,
                     and his grand child to be also by him adopted. And <hi rend="italic">Charles</hi> the fourth after that caused his sonne <hi rend="italic">Wenceslaus</hi> by the electors to bee designed to the empire, but not
                     without a great summe of money: unto whome succeeded his brother <hi rend="italic">Sigismund,</hi> who afterward adopted his sonne in law <hi rend="italic">Fredericke</hi> the third; who againe <milestone n="H" unit="unspec"/> caused <hi rend="italic">Maximilian</hi> his sonne to be
                     adopted emperour. Neither was it to be doubted but that <hi rend="italic">Philip, Maximilian</hi> his sonne, should have raigned over the Germaines,
                     had not his vntimely death preuented his fathers hope. And all bee it that the
                     estates and princes of the empire, the imperiall sea<gap reason="illegible" extent="1+_letters" instant="false"/>e
                     being as then vacant, had many great princes competitors in the same; yet so it
                     was that they deemed the grand child of <hi rend="italic">Maximilian
                        (Charles,</hi> then a very yong man, and neerest unto <hi rend="italic">Maximilian</hi> in bloud) by a certaine successiue right worthie to be
                     preferred before the rest of the princes. And allbeit that<note place="marg" anchored="true">Great regard had of succession, euen in kingdoms going by election.</note>
                     the Bohemians, the Polonians, the Hungarians, Danes, and Tartars, will by no
                     meanes suffer the election of their kings to bee taken from them; yet they
                     thinke that their kings sonnes ought still in their choice to be preferred
                     before all others, that so by <milestone n="I" unit="unspec"/> the benefit of
                     succession all the occasions of civill wars might bee preuented and taken away.
                     For which cause <hi rend="italic">Sigismundus Augustus</hi> king of Polonia and
                     last of the house of Iagellon, hauing but two sisters, assembled the estates of
                     the kingdome to consult concerning his successor; hauing before vnited the
                     dukedome of Lituania unto the kingdome of Polonia: whereunto for all that the
                     estates would not consent, fearing to loose their right of election; or that he
                     should have giuen them a king contrarie to their good liking. And at the same
                     time as it were, the parliament of England was holden at London in October
                     1566, where the estates preferred a request unto the Queene for the prouiding
                     of a successor unto the crowne, to auoid (as they sayd) the euident dangers
                     whereinto the kingdome was like to fall, if it were not foreseene and prouided
                     for; and that they were resolued not to speake of any subsidie, or other thing
                        whatsoeuer,<milestone n="K" unit="unspec"/> vntill that matter were
                     determined. With which request howbeit that the Queene was much troubled;
                     saying, That they would make her graue before she were dead: yet so it was that
                     she promised them therein to follow the counsell and aduise of such as were the
                     wisest in her land. For a kingdome going by succession still falleth into
                     eelection when there is none left neere of kin, neither of the fathers side nor
                     of the mothers;<note place="marg" anchored="true">Kingdomes going by succession how they
                        sometimes fall into election.</note> in which case it is necessary to
                     prouide before that the matter so fall out, whereas otherwise the estate is in
                     great hazard to be quite ouerthrowne: as it happened unto <pb n="729" facs="372"/> the estate of Milan in the yeare 1448, after the death of <hi rend="italic">Philip Maria</hi> the last of the <milestone n="A" unit="unspec"/>

                     <gap reason="illegible" extent="1+_letters" instant="false"/>eires male of the house of Anglerie, which in
                     successiue right had holden Milan soure hundred yeares: when as the people
                     seeing themselves in full libertie without any lord or soueraigne, resolued to
                     maintaine a Popular estate: razed the castle Ioue,<note place="marg" anchored="true">The
                        dutchie of Milan dismembred the line of the visecounties of the house of
                        Anglerie failing.</note> burnt the last dukes testament, chose twelue
                     Senators; and after that hauing made choice of <hi rend="italic">Charles
                        Gonzaga</hi> for their generall, most cruelly butchered all them which tooke
                     part with <hi rend="italic">Frances Sforce,</hi> who being a man but basely
                     borne aspired to the soueraigntie, as hauing maried the base daughter of <hi rend="italic">Philip</hi> the last duke, as also by the adoption which the
                     duke had made of him. At which selfe same time the emperour <hi rend="italic">Fredericke</hi> the third claimed that dutchie, as a fee deuolued to the
                     empire for default of heires males. And <hi rend="italic">Charles</hi> of
                     Orleans on the other side claimed it as belonging unto him in <milestone n="B" unit="unspec"/> the right of his mother <hi rend="italic">Valentine,</hi>
                     both the naturall and lawfull sister of the last duke. During which quarrels
                     the Venetians (as their vsuall manner is) to fish in troubled water, without
                     any right at all, possessed themselves of Cremona, Laude, &amp; Placence, all
                     members of the dutchie of Milan. The duke of Sauoye tooke also Nouarre and
                     Versel: <hi rend="italic">Sforce, Pauie,</hi> and <hi rend="italic">Derthone:</hi> and the people of Milan vnable now to mannage their estate
                     at home, or to defend their territorie abroad; and yet abhorring the
                     gouernement of one, and not well knowing unto what Saint to commend themselves,
                     voluntarily submitted themselves with their citie unto the Venetians, by whom
                     for all that they were reiected. So that in fine all the Christian princes and
                     states their neighbours, were up in armes and together by the eares for the
                     estate; and for all that the last <milestone n="C" unit="unspec"/> duke
                     prouided not for his successor as he ought to have done, in following that
                     which was resolued and agreed upon at the treatie of the mariage made betwixt
                        <hi rend="italic">Lewes</hi> duke of Orleans and <hi rend="italic">Valentine</hi> his sister: neither in taking unto him <hi rend="italic">Charles</hi> of Orleans his nephew, and right heire of his dukedome so to
                     have adopted him, and brought him up neere unto his person, but adopted <hi rend="italic">Sforce</hi> who had maried his base daughter, being but the
                     first gentleman of his house.</p><p>But the royall stocke being extinct, the last thereof may by right adopt vnto
                        himselfe<note place="marg" anchored="true">Whether the last of the royall stocke may by
                        right adopt unto himselfe his successor.</note> his successor, except the
                     nobilitie or people claime the right of the choice of their prince to belong
                     unto themselves. For if the last prince of the bloud shall appoint no
                        <milestone n="D" unit="unspec"/> man to succed him, the soueraigntie is to
                     fall unto the people. It beeing a common matter for Monarchies neuer to fall
                     into election, but when the Monarch dying without heires hath not prouided a
                     successor. For so the line of <hi rend="italic">Charles</hi> the great beeing
                     vtterly extinct, when as the last king of the Germaines had adopted none to
                     succeed him, <hi rend="italic">Henry</hi> the Faulconer duke of Saxonie was by
                     generall consent of all men created emperour: wherein for all that the Germaine
                     writers are at varience among themselves: one of them thinking <hi rend="italic">Arnulphus;</hi> and another <hi rend="italic">Charles</hi> the
                     sonne of <hi rend="italic">Lewes</hi> king<note place="marg" anchored="true">About what time
                        the seuen princes electors were first appointed for the choice of the
                        emperour. The error of thē which have thought the kingdome of France to
                        have in antient time gone by election, reiected.</note> of the Germaines to
                     have bene chosen emperour, and that not by the voyces of the people, but of the
                     fiftie princes onely: and that electiue right to have beene at length conferred
                     unto seuen of them who were thereof called the princes electors: and that to
                     have happened about the yeare 1250. But let vs now come unto our owne
                        histories.<milestone n="E" unit="unspec"/> Many there be which have reported
                     the kings of France in antient time to have bene created by choyce, and so that
                     kingdome to have fallen into election: but all that vntruly. For why that must
                     needs have bene done in the raigne of the Merouignes, or the Carlingues, or of
                     the Capets.</p><p>Now concerning the first line which is of the Merouignes; Agathius a Greeke
                     author of great authoritie and antiquitie (for he flourished about the yeare
                     500) writeth the French nation hauing chosen the best forme of a Commonweale
                     that was possible (that is to say the royall Monarchie) to have therein
                     surpassed all their neighbours: <pb n="730" facs="373"/> neither to have had
                     any other kings but by the right of succession. And the <milestone n="F" unit="unspec"/> same author in another place sayth, <hi rend="italic">Theodebert</hi> the sonne of <hi rend="italic">Theodoric</hi> and nephew
                        <gap reason="illegible" extent="1+_letters" instant="false"/>o <hi rend="italic">Clodoueus,</hi> being yet
                     under age and the gouernement of his tutor, to have beene called unto the crown
                     according unto the maner and fashion of their ancestors. <hi rend="italic">Cedrinus</hi> also another Greek author, and he also very antient (who writ
                     in the yeare 1058 in the time of <hi rend="italic">Philip</hi> the first the
                     king of France) reporteth the French men to have had no other kings, but by a
                     successiue right, after the antient manner of their ancestors. Wherein he
                     sheweth the aforesayd three lines of the kings of France to have used the right
                     of succession. And if so bee that first <hi rend="italic">Charles,</hi> and
                     after him <hi rend="italic">Carlomaine</hi> the children of <hi rend="italic">Pipin</hi> caused themselves to be both chosen by the nobilitie (as indeed
                     they were) yet was not that done but onely so by the power and favour of the
                     nobilitie to assure their <milestone n="G" unit="unspec"/> estates, &amp; to
                     stop the mouths of such as were yet left of the house of the <hi rend="italic">Merouignes,</hi> as in like case some of them did also of the house of <hi rend="italic">Capet,</hi> who had thrust out them of the house of <hi rend="italic">Charlemaigne.</hi> As for that which is reported of <hi rend="italic">Otho,</hi> him by the consent and voyces of the nobilitie to
                     have bene created king: he at the time of his death hauing called together the
                     princes of the kingdome, protested him to have so done, not so much that he
                     himselfe might reigne, as to keepe the kingdome and the Commonweale wherewith
                     he was put in trust, in safetie unto <hi rend="italic">Lewes</hi> the Stammerer
                     to whom he was appointed tutor. <hi rend="italic">Robert Otho</hi> his brother
                     in chalenging the kingdome as it were in the right of succession after him, was
                     slaine in the battell of Soissons. <hi rend="italic">Rodolph</hi> also sonne
                     unto the duke of Bourgundie caused himselfe also to be chosen, to exclude <hi rend="italic">Charles</hi> the <milestone n="H" unit="unspec"/> Simple, from
                     whom in the castle of Berone wherin he then was kept prisoner, <hi rend="italic">Harbert</hi> countie of Vermandois had in favour of this <hi rend="italic">Rodolpe</hi> extorted his resignation of the crowne. And after
                     that <hi rend="italic">Hugh Capet</hi> had wrested the scepter out of the hands
                     of <hi rend="italic">Charles</hi> of Loraine, he caused his sonne <hi rend="italic">Robert</hi> whilest hee himselfe yet lived, to bee crowned;
                     and he likewise his sonne also, <hi rend="italic">Henry</hi> the first; and <hi rend="italic">Henry,</hi> his sonne also: and so vntill that one of the
                     daughters of <hi rend="italic">Baldwin</hi> earle of Holland and regent of
                     France, descended from the eldest daughter of the aforesaid <hi rend="italic">Charles</hi> of Loraine, and so lineally from <hi rend="italic">Charlemaigne,</hi> was maried unto <hi rend="italic">Philip</hi> the first,
                     and was mother unto <hi rend="italic">Lewes</hi> the Grosse: wherby the secret
                     grudgings &amp; hatred of the people against the <hi rend="italic">Capets</hi>
                     were appeased, &amp; the fire of ioy and blisse kindled, to see one of the race
                     of <hi rend="italic">Charlemaigne,</hi> and so of the <milestone n="I" unit="unspec"/> bloud of Saint <hi rend="italic">Arnulph,</hi> ioyned with
                     the stocke of <hi rend="italic">Capets.</hi> And if any coniecture there be,
                     wherfore any man should thinke the kings of France to have bene by election
                     created; it may best seeme to be drawne from the manner of the coronation of
                     the kings: For before the king that is to crowned take his oath, the two
                     Bishops of Laon and<note place="marg" anchored="true">The antient manner of the coronation of
                        the kings of France.</note> Beauuois standing on both sides of the king, and
                     lifting him up a little from his throne, and then turning themselves unto the
                     people there present, demaund of them whether they will have that man to reigne
                     over them or not: whereunto they giuing their consent, the Archbishop of Reims
                     taketh his oath. So that they which write the kingdome of France to go by
                     election, have had no further regard but onely unto the manner and forme of the
                     chusing of the king (if it ought at all to bee called a choice)<milestone n="K" unit="unspec"/> the manner whereof isyet to bee seene in the Librarie of
                     Beauuois, and which I have also taken out of the Librarie of Rheimes, and
                     deserueth well to be set downe at large, whereby it is to bee vnderstood, in
                     what sort our kings have beene in antient time crowned.</p><p>The title of the antient written booke of Rheimes is this, LIBER IVLIANI AD
                     ERRIGIVM REGEM: <hi rend="italic">The booke of Iulian unto king Errigius:</hi>
                     (meaning <hi rend="italic">Errichius</hi> the father of <hi rend="italic">Philip</hi> the first) The words of the booke are these, <hi rend="italic">Anno</hi> 1058 <hi rend="italic">indictione xij Henrico regnante xxxij,
                        &amp; iiij Cal. Iunij, in die Pentecostes Philippus</hi>

                     <pb n="731" facs="373"/>

                     <hi rend="italic">rex hoc ordine in maiore ecclesia ante altare sanctae Mariae
                        à venerabili Archiepiscopr</hi>

                     <milestone n="A" unit="unspec"/>

                     <hi rend="italic">consecratus est incoata Missa antequam epistola legeretur,
                        Dominus Archiepiscopus ver<gap reason="illegible" extent="1+_letters" instant="false"/> ad eum, &amp; exposuit
                        ei fidem catholicam, sciscitans ab eo vtrum hanc crederet, &amp; defendere
                        vellet: quo annuente delata est eius professio; quam accipiens ipse legit,
                        dum ad huc septennis esset, eique subscripsit: erat autem prosessio eius
                        haec: EGO Philippus, Deo propitiante mox futurus rex Francorum, in die
                        ordinationis meae promitto coram Deo, &amp; sanctis eius, quòd vnicuique de
                        vobis commissis canonicum priuilegium, &amp; debitam legem, atque iustitiam
                        conseruabo, &amp; defensionem adiuuante Domino, quantum potero, exhibebo,
                        sicut rex insuo regno vnicuique Episcopo &amp; ecclesi<gap reason="illegible" extent="1+_letters" instant="false"/> sibi commissae per rectum exhibere debet: populo
                        quoque nobis credito me dispensationem legum in suo iure consistentem,
                        nostra auctoritate concessurum. Qua perlecta posuit eum in manus
                        Archiepiscopi, ante stante Archiepiscopo</hi>

                     <milestone n="B" unit="unspec"/>

                     <hi rend="italic">Suessionensi, &amp;c. Accipiens Archiepiscopus baculum S.
                        Rhemigij, disseruit quietè &amp; pacifice, quomodo ad eum maximè pertineret
                        electio regis &amp; consecratio, ex quo sanctus Rhemigius Ludouicum
                        baptizauit &amp; consecrauit. disseruit etiam quomodo per ìllum baculum hanc
                        consecrandi potestatem &amp; totum Galliae principatum Ormisdas papa sancto
                        dederit Rhemigio: &amp; quomodo victor Papa sibi &amp; ecclesiae suae
                        concesserit. Tunc annuente patre eius Henrico, elegit eum in regem post eum.
                        Legati Romanae sedis, cùm idsine Papae nutu fieri licitum non esse dissertum
                        ibi sit: honoris tamen &amp; amoris gratia tum ibi assuerunt: Legati
                        Lotarius Sol; Archiepiscopi, Episcopi, Abbates, Clerici; Dux Aquitaniae,
                        filius, Legatus Ducis Burgundiae, Legati Marchionis, &amp; Legati Comitis
                        Andegauensis: pòst Comites</hi>

                     <milestone n="C" unit="unspec"/>

                     <hi rend="italic">Vandensis, Vermadensis, Ponticensis, Suessionensis, Aruer
                        nensis, pòst milites &amp; populi tam matores quàm minores vno ore
                        consentientes laudauerunt, ter proclamantes: LAVDMVS, VOLV MVS, FIAT.</hi>
                     In the yeare 1058, the twelft of the indiction, of the raigne of king <hi rend="italic">Henry</hi> the xxxij, the iiij of the Calends of Iune, on
                     Whitsunday, king <hi rend="italic">Philip</hi> was in the great church, before
                     the altar of blessed <hi rend="italic">Marie,</hi> by the most reuerend
                     Archbishop in this order crowned: Masse now alreadie being begun, &amp; before
                     the reading of the Epistle: the Lord Archbishop turning himselfe unto him,
                     declared unto him the Catholike faith, asking him whether he beleeued the same,
                     and would also defend it? Wherunto he graunting, his profession of the same was
                     brought forth, which he taking read it, (being as then but seuen yeares old)
                     and subscribed to the same,<milestone n="D" unit="unspec"/> whose profession
                     was this, I <hi rend="italic">Philip,</hi> by the grace of God, by and by about
                     to be the king of France, upon the day of my inuesting do promise before God
                     and his saints, to keep canonicall priuilege, with due law and iustice to every
                     one of you the committies: as also so much as in me lieth by the helpe of God,
                     to defend you, as a king in this kingdome of right ought to doe unto euerie
                     Bishop, and to the church committed to his charge: as also by our authoritie to
                     graunt unto the people committed unto vs, the administration of our lawes,
                     standing in their full power. Which profession so read, hee<note place="marg" anchored="true">The archbishops of Rheims pretend to have the choyce of the French
                        kings.</note> put it into the Archbishops hands, &amp;c. (Here are twentie
                     Bishops and many Abbats by name reckoned up, and immediatly aster) The
                     Archbishop taking the staffe of Saint <hi rend="italic">Rhimigius,</hi> calmely
                     and quietly declared, How that unto him especially belonged the <milestone n="E" unit="unspec"/> choice and consecrating of the new king, euer since
                     that <hi rend="italic">Rhemigius</hi> baptized and consecrated king <note n="*" place="marg" anchored="true">This Iewes is r<gap reason="illegible" extent="1+_letters" instant="false"/>her to <gap reason="illegible" extent="1+_letters" instant="false"/>e calle<gap reason="illegible" extent="1+_letters" instant="false"/> C<gap reason="illegible" extent="1+_letters" instant="false"/>o ioue<gap reason="illegible" extent="1+_letters" instant="false"/>s, other<gap reason="illegible" extent="1+_letters" instant="false"/>se in <gap reason="illegible" extent="1+_letters" instant="false"/>ntient ti<gap reason="illegible" extent="1+_letters" instant="false"/> called H<gap reason="illegible" extent="1+_letters" instant="false"/>ndwich.</note>

                     <hi rend="italic">Lewes:</hi> declaring also, how by that staffe of <hi rend="italic">Hormisdas</hi> the pope gaue unto Saint <hi rend="italic">Rhemigius</hi> this power of consecrating the kings, with all the kingdome
                     of Fraunce: and how the Pope <hi rend="italic">Victor</hi> graunted the same
                     also unto him and his church. And so his father <hi rend="italic">Henrie</hi>
                     consenting thereunto, chose him to bee king after him. The Legats of the See of
                     Rome hauing there reasoned it, not to be a thing lawfull without the licence of
                     the Pope, were yet for loue and honours sake there present: as were also other
                     ambassadours, as <hi rend="italic">Lotarius Sol,</hi> with other Archbishops,
                     Bishops, Abbats, Clarks, the young Duke of Aquitane, the ambassadours of the
                     Duke of Burgundie, the ambassadours <pb n="732" facs="374"/> of the Marquesse,
                     the ambassadors of the Earle of Angiers, after them the Earls <milestone n="F" unit="unspec"/> of Vandosme, Vermandoise, Soissons, and Auuerne: after that
                     the souldiors, and people, as well the greater as the lesser, with one consent
                     commended him, crying <gap reason="illegible" extent="1+_letters" instant="false"/>ut thrice aloud, <hi rend="italic">We prayse him, We will have him: Let it be done.</hi> These
                     things wee have word for word written, the which were neuer yet put in print.
                     They therefore which thinke the kings of Fraunce to have beene in auntient time
                     created by the voyces of the people, vnderstand not the bishops of Rheimes to
                     have affirmed, that to have bene giuen unto them by a certaine singular
                     priuilege from the bishops of Rome: howbeit that it can in no wise agree with
                     the faith &amp; obedience which the archbishops of Rheims have used to giue
                     unto the kings of Fraunce. Wee read also, that <hi rend="italic">Charles</hi>
                     (he which for want of wit was surnamed the simple) was crowned by <hi rend="italic">Fulke</hi> the archbishop <milestone n="G" unit="unspec"/> of
                     Rheims, in the right of his neerenesse of blood, and not in the right of any
                     election by voyces. Whereby <hi rend="italic">Otho</hi> so chosen, prerended
                     himselfe to be king: and unto whom complaining of the iniurie done him by the
                     archbishop in crowning of <hi rend="italic">Charls: Fulke</hi> aunswered, That
                     he had made choyce of <hi rend="italic">Charles,</hi> according to the manner
                     and custome of his auncestors, who had not used to chuse kings, but of the
                     royall stocke &amp; race of kings. Whose letters written unto that effect to
                        <hi rend="italic">Otho</hi> are yet extant. Wherby it appeares, that if euer
                     any man had the right of election, it belonged unto the archbishop of Rheims,
                     or that at leastwise he was in the possession thereof: and yet for all that,
                     that he could not make choyce of any other king, but of the princes of the
                     blood. But to shew that the right of the crowne of Fraunce still descended vnto
                     the heire male <milestone n="H" unit="unspec"/> next of blood and name, it
                     appeareth not onely by the authoritie of them whome wee have before noted, but
                     yet more also by the cruell and bloodie warre, that was betwixt <hi rend="italic">Lotaire, Lewes,</hi> and <hi rend="italic">Charles</hi> the
                     Bauld, grounded upon this, That their father had giuen the better part, and the
                     regall seat of Fraunce, to <hi rend="italic">Charles</hi> the Bauld his
                     youngest sonne: howbeit that all the three brethren were kings, gouerning their
                     divided kingdoms with royall soueraigntie. And for that <hi rend="italic">Henry</hi> the first, king of Fraunce, the younger sonne of <hi rend="italic">Robert,</hi> had bene chosen by his father, and his elder
                     brother the duke of Burgundie reiected: he fearing least the children of his
                     elder brother, should in their fathers right lay claime unto the crowne, and so
                     put all France into civill warres, as it had before bene in the wars betwixt
                     him and his brother; to preuent the same, hee caused his son <hi rend="italic">Philip,</hi>

                     <milestone n="I" unit="unspec"/> so soone as he was but seuen yeares old▪ to be
                     crowned king of Fraunce. Which yet was done without any forme of election at
                     all: except perhaps, that some would absurdly say, The election of the kings to
                     belong unto the archbiships of Rheims, as giuen them by the pope, mistaking the
                     consecration, for the creation of them. Howbeit that the verie consecrating of
                     them, properly belonged not unto the archbishops of Rheims alone: king <hi rend="italic">Lewes</hi> the Grosse being consecrated by the archbishop of
                     Sens, in the citie of Orleans. Besides that the archbishops of Rheims foolishly
                     pretend them to have that from the pope: wherein the popes themselves have no
                     right, no more than they have unto the empire, which they have made subiect
                     unto their elections; and by thrusting the sickle into another mans haruest (as
                     saith <hi rend="italic">Albericus</hi> the lawyer) have against al <milestone n="K" unit="unspec"/> right made lawes concerning the estate of princes,
                     binding the emperour to giue unto him the oath of fidelitie: chalenging vnto
                     himselfe the power to depose him; as all other kings also. Howbeit that the
                     bishops of Rome do themselves by their decrees confesse, the French kings to be
                     altogether free from the popes obedience &amp; seruitude: neither to
                     acknowledge any one greater than themselves, next unto God. And that is it for
                     which they say in this realme, <hi rend="italic">That the king neuer
                        dieth.</hi> Which auntient prouerb<note place="marg" anchored="true">How it is to be
                        vnderstood. <hi rend="italic">That the king neuer d<gap reason="illegible" extent="1+_letters" instant="false"/>eth.</hi>

                     </note> sheweth well, that the kingdome neuer went by election, &amp; the kings
                     thereof hold their scepters neither of the pope, neither of the archbishop of
                     Rheims, nor of the people, but <pb n="733" facs="374"/> onely of God alone. And
                     I remember a lawyer, a most famous pleader of his time,<milestone n="A" unit="unspec"/> who to serue the cause he had in hand, said in his pleading,
                     That the people of Fraunce had giuen the power unto the king: alleaging
                     therefore the words of the great lawyer <hi rend="italic">Vlpian,</hi> where he
                     speaking of the Roman emperour saith, <hi rend="italic">Lege Regia de eius
                        imperio lata, populus ei &amp; in eum omnem suam potestatem Contulit,</hi>
                     By a royall law made concerning his power, the people conferred unto him and
                     upon him all his power: whereat the kings people suddenly arise, requesting the
                     court in sull audience, That those words might be rased out of the plea;
                     shewing that the kings of Fraunce had neuer receiued their power from the
                     people. Yea the court therefore sharply reproued the said lawyer, causing the
                     words, at the request of the Attourney generall, to bee rased out of the plea,
                     forbidding him any more to vse such speeches: who neuer after, as every man
                        <milestone n="B" unit="unspec"/> knoweth, pleaded cause in that court. But
                     yet this is made more plaine by the solemnitie commonly used at the kings
                     burials, where the kings garments, weapons, scepter, and armes, are so soone as
                     the king is buried cast away; an herauld at armes with a loud voyce proclaiming
                     thrice, <hi rend="italic">Rex est mortuus,</hi> or, The king is dead. And euen
                     he the same man, presently after aduancing a banner with the Lillies in it, the
                     proper armes of this nation, crieth likewise, <hi rend="italic">Viuat Rex N.
                        eique vitam diuturnam ac felicem Deus largiatur,</hi> God saue king N. and
                     graunt him long and happy life. The like manners and customes vse the English,
                     the Scots, and Spaniards, with whom (as with vs) the kingdom is by right of
                     succession giuen unto the neerest of kin. The like ceremonies are used also
                        <milestone n="C" unit="unspec"/> amongst the Bohemians, the Danes, and
                     Polonians, but yet not before that another king be by voyces created.</p><p>But now those daungers which we have said to follow the election of a prince,
                        belong<note place="marg" anchored="true">Election no l<gap reason="illegible" extent="1+_letters" instant="false"/>sse
                        daungerous unto the electors, than v<gap reason="illegible" extent="1+_letters" instant="false"/>o the kings
                        and soueraigne princes themselves so elected.</note> not more unto the kings
                     and princes themselves, than unto them that chuse them: for if the king be to
                     be chosen by the voyces of the whole people, all must needs be full of
                     seditions, factions, and murders. But if the nobilitie, or some other estate
                     onely, shall chalenge unto themselves alone the right of chusing of the prince,
                     the rest of the estates will grudge and repine thereat, that which is of right
                     due to all, to be giuen to some few.<note place="marg" anchored="true">Election of princes
                           b<gap reason="illegible" extent="1+_letters" instant="false"/>tter to bee made by some few, than by
                        many.</note> yet could nothing be deuised more commodious or expedient for
                     the auoiding of the factions of the seditious, and of civill warres, than to
                     take from the multitude of princes <milestone n="D" unit="unspec"/> and
                     magistrats, the election of the soueraigne prince or king, &amp; to communicat
                     it with some few. For so the German princes (who in auntient time were fiftie
                     foure, and now almost foure hundred) have giuen all the right of their voyces,
                     for the chusing of the emperour, unto the seuen Princes Electors. Neither yet
                     in so great fewnesse of them, doe they still well agree, but sometime being at
                     discord among themselves, have chosen two emperours at once: as namely <hi rend="italic">Albert</hi> of Austria, and <hi rend="italic">Lewes</hi> of
                     Bauaria, who for the space of eight yeares made most cruell warres, which of
                     them should as emperour rule and raigne one of them over the other, all that
                     while one of them still spoiling and ruinating the townes, castles, and
                     villages, of the others favourits and part takers. So in like manner the
                     cardinals (who were but twelue) after the death of pope <hi rend="italic">Clement</hi> the 4,<milestone n="E" unit="unspec"/> for the great
                     dissentions and factions of the mightie, differred the election of the next
                     pope three yeares▪ and in fine chose the archdeacon of Leedes▪ who was then
                     gone to Hierusalem, and was afterwards called <hi rend="italic">Gregorie</hi>
                     the tenth: &amp; who for that cause bound the colledge of cardinals unto most
                     strait laws in the choyce of the pope, and yet could he not so prouide, but
                     that after his death, they at once made choyce of three popes, and oftentimes
                     of two; insomuch that at the last it was needfull to shut them up, and to
                     starue them with hunger, if within a certaine appointed time, they did not
                     denounce him pope, who had at the most two parts of the voyces: which yet is
                     more straitly kept in the chusing of the Grand Maister of the Knights of the
                     order of Saint <hi rend="italic">Iohn:</hi>

                     <pb n="734" facs="375"/> for they mure up the twentie foure electors, before
                     nominated by the knight, without <milestone n="F" unit="unspec"/>

                     <note place="marg" anchored="true">The strait order obserued in chusing the Grand Master of the
                        knights of Malta</note> either meat or drinke, who must chuse one who is not
                     of that number of the twentie foure, and that within a short time limited them.
                     There have bene seene also such factions, suits, and murders, to have happened
                     in this realme, about the election euen of the inferiour bishops, as haue
                     oftentimes troubled the state euen of the most famous cities, and wherein he
                     that was the most vitious and ignorant most commonly carried away the matter:
                     than which no greater cause seemeth to have beene, wherefore the voyces for the
                     chusing of bishops have bene taken from the colledges of priests and monkes,
                     and giuen to princes: as the Chauncellour <hi rend="italic">Prat</hi> declared,
                     at such time as question was in parliament, for the verifying of the agreement
                     made betwixt king <hi rend="italic">Francis</hi> the first, and <hi rend="italic">Leo</hi> the tenth: For which cause also the bishops and
                     abbats in Moscouie,<milestone n="G" unit="unspec"/> are drawne out by lot.</p><p>And yet neuerthelesse the onely colour that men have to maintaine election, is
                        to<note place="marg" anchored="true">Euill men more commonly preferred than the good, where
                        men are by election promoted.</note> say, That the more worthy men are so
                     chosen to be emperors, popes, bishops, and prelats. Wherein I referre them vnto
                     the histories of all ages, which will say the contrarie: and that there haue
                     seldome bene more vicious and wicked men, than were the most part of them who
                     were by choyce and election preferred; which wee need not now by examples to
                     verifie: but thus much onely I say, that if the right of succession had taken
                     place, <hi rend="italic">Nero, Heliogabalus, Otho, Vitellius,</hi> and such
                     others, the monsters of nature, had neuer come unto the Roman empire: <hi rend="italic">Augustus, Traian, Adrian,</hi> both the <hi rend="italic">Antonines,</hi> with other the emperours excelling in vertue and wisedome,
                     who by adoption <milestone n="H" unit="unspec"/> (as by the lawfull right of
                     succession) obtained the empire, should have beene excluded. But were it so
                     that the better princes were still to bee chosen by the suffrages and voyces of
                     the nobilitie, or of the people, or of other the wiser sort: yet so many and so
                     great inconueniences are on every side attending, as that it were better to
                     want good princes (howbeit that we cannot by this meanes have them) than to
                     have them with so great daunger of the subiects created and chosen, especially
                     so long as the right of succession may take place. But the line of the monarchs
                     fayling, and the right deuolued<note place="marg" anchored="true">A good meanes, the line of
                        Monarchs failing, to preuent the dangers still attending upon
                        election.</note> unto the estates: in this case it is much surer to proceed
                     by lot, hauing made choice of the most worthiest persons, or of such as be
                     equall in nobilitie, or in vertue, or in power, to the end that one of them may
                     be drawne by lot, rather than to enter into <milestone n="I" unit="unspec"/>
                     tearmes of election: prouided that the name of God be first called upon, in
                     following the forme of the auntient Hebrewes, who still said, Lord God direct
                     thy lot, to the end that all sorcerie and witchcraft may be from hence absent.
                     So the great Prophet <hi rend="italic">Samuel,</hi> when question was for the
                     making of a new king, caused all the people to bee assembled, and the lot to be
                     drawne for all the twelue Tribes, which falling uppon the Tribe of <hi rend="italic">Beniamin,</hi> and lot cast also upon the families of that
                     Tribe, in the familie of <hi rend="italic">Cis</hi>

                     <note place="marg" anchored="true">Some kings first chosen by lot, &amp; yet their children to
                        have obtained their kingdomes as by a successiue right.</note> the lot fell
                     upon <hi rend="italic">Saul,</hi> whome <hi rend="italic">Samuel</hi> by the
                     commaundement of God had before annointed, to the end that the people should
                     not thinke that the kingdome was unto him by chaunce onely fallen. But after
                     that the Monarchy is once established, men have commonly had regard unto the
                     prerogative of successiue right, without vsing either of <milestone n="K" unit="unspec"/> election, or lot. So the seuen great princes of Persia, <hi rend="italic">Cambyses</hi> being dead without issue, used lot, or rather
                     the neying of an horse for the chusing of their king. Yet wee see <hi rend="italic">Darius</hi> hauing once by lot got the kingdome, the
                     soueraigntie of the state to have bene afterward by successiue right deriued
                     unto his posteritie.</p><p>Now it is not enough that successiue right take place in the descending of a
                        kingdome,<note place="marg" anchored="true">The successiue right of the eldest sonne, common
                        to al people</note> but that the neerest of kin unto the soueraigne monarch
                     succeed him also: my meaning is, among the males, and those of his name, which
                     is (to speake properly) the elder, as the first descended of him. For so the
                     order of nature willeth that the elder <pb n="735" facs="375"/> should goe
                     foremost next after the father, and that the rest should every one of them
                        <milestone n="A" unit="unspec"/> follow in their degree, and so by
                     consequence, that he should be preferred before the others. And this law a man
                     may say to be naturall, and such as hath beene alwayes almost to all people
                     common. For so said <hi rend="italic">Perseus,</hi> that by the right of nature
                     common unto all nations, and by the custome inuiolably obserued in the kingdome
                     of Macedon, the elder was still to succeed into that kingdome. And for that
                     reason (as saith <hi rend="italic">Diodorus) Alexander</hi> the Great carried
                     away the crowne of that kingdome, from the rest of his brethren. As the manner
                     was also in the kingdome of Parthia, where the eldest of the house of <hi rend="italic">Arsaces</hi> their first king, and the neerest of his blood
                     succeeded: following therein (saith <hi rend="italic">Iustin</hi>) the auntient
                     custome of the Parthies. In like manner amongst the Hebrewes, the kingdome of
                     Iuda was giuen to <hi rend="italic">Ioram,</hi> for that (as saith the
                     Scripture) he <milestone n="B" unit="unspec"/> was the eldest. And so <hi rend="italic">Herodotus</hi> himselfe (the most auntient of all the Greeke
                     historiographers) saith, That generally in all kingdomes the custome was, that
                     the elder should by right of succession have and enioy the scepter and diadem:
                     yea and more than foure hundred yeres before <hi rend="italic">Herodotus</hi>
                     (as saith <hi rend="italic">Coruinus Messala,</hi> in his booke dedicated to
                        <hi rend="italic">Augustus</hi> the emperour) <hi rend="italic">Ilus</hi> as
                     the elder brother, was preferred unto the kingdome of the Latines, before <hi rend="italic">Assaracus</hi> the yonger brother. We read them also of the
                     West Indies (although men of all others most deuoid of humanitie) to have also
                     used this same natural▪ law, for the eldest to succeed before the younger. And
                     that when <hi rend="italic">Francis Pizarra</hi> Generall of the Spaniards,
                     conquering the kingdome of Peru, caused <milestone n="C" unit="unspec"/>

                     <hi rend="italic">Attabalippa</hi> the king to be put to death: all the people
                     thereat reioyced, to see him die that had caused his elder brother to be
                     slaine, so to become king himselfe, contrarie to the custome of the countrey,
                     and his fathers will conformable thereunto: who hauing two hundred children,
                     yet by his will appointed that <hi rend="italic">Gaca</hi> his eldest sonne
                     should alone succeed him in his kingdome, without diuiding of the same. And
                     albeit that the children were twins, yet so it is, that the prerogative of the
                     kingdome is to be kept unto him that is first borne, &amp; so to be left,
                     witnessed by most manifest proof: least such like quarrell should arise for the
                     prerogative of birthright, as did betwixt <hi rend="italic">Iames</hi> king of
                     Scots, and the duke of Albanie, being twins: which kingdome the duke complained
                     to bee wrongfully taken from him: king <hi rend="italic">Iames</hi> maintaining
                     the contrarie, for that he was the <milestone n="D" unit="unspec"/> first
                     borne. And so alwayes when men would force and violat this naturall successiue
                     right, great troubles and civill warres have thereof ensued: as it happened for
                     the kingdom<note place="marg" anchored="true">Great troubles to have still arisen, where the
                        naturall successiue right of the eldest hath bene violated, and the yonger
                        brother preferred.</note> of Alba, inuaded by <hi rend="italic">Aemulius,</hi> being of right due unto <hi rend="italic">Numitor</hi> the
                     elder brother: &amp; to <hi rend="italic">Aristobulus</hi> king of Iudea,
                     thrust out of the kingdome by the sentence and doome of <hi rend="italic">Pompey</hi> the Great, to make an end of the civill warres and seditions:
                     the kingdome being so restored unto his elder brother <hi rend="italic">Hircanus,</hi> without respect to that which <hi rend="italic">Aristobulus</hi> alleaged, his said brother not to have bene fit to beare
                     armes, neither yet to gouerne a kingdome. A reason and colour for which the
                     fathers and favourits have oft time troubled the right of their children, to
                     set the crowne due unto the elder, upon the head of the younger. As did <hi rend="italic">Ptolomey</hi> the first of that name king of Aegypt, who
                     contrarie <milestone n="E" unit="unspec"/> unto the law of nations (as saith
                        <hi rend="italic">Iustin</hi>) preferred the younger brother unto the
                     kingdome before the elder, which was the cause that one of them slue the other.
                     In which errour <hi rend="italic">Ptolomee</hi> surnamed <hi rend="italic">Physcon</hi> offended also, who persuaded by his wife <hi rend="italic">Cleopatra,</hi> preferred the younger brother before the elder: but was no
                     sooner dead, but that the people expulsed the younger, and restored the scepter
                     unto the elder. <hi rend="italic">Anaxandrides</hi> also king of Lacedemonia,
                     preferred <hi rend="italic">Dorieus</hi> before <hi rend="italic">Cleomenes</hi> his elder brother, for that he was the more civill: and yet
                     the historie saith, that the people thereof grieuously complained, as of a
                     thing done contrarie to the law of nations. And albeit that king <hi rend="italic">Pyrrhus</hi> said, That his will was, that he of his children
                     should succeed him, which <pb n="736" facs="376"/> had the sharpest sword;
                     meaning thereby the most valiantest of them: yet the people <milestone n="F" unit="unspec"/> after his death preferred the eldest, although vnfittest for
                     warres. For whatsoeuer valour, courtesie, beautie, or wisdome there be in the
                     yonger more than in the elder; yet should not the father therefore, contrarie
                     unto the law of nations, preferre the younger before the elder: howbeit that
                     the exteriour forme and feature of the bodie hath deceiued many. Foolishly
                     therefore do those parents, which ouercome with the flatterie of their younger
                     sonnes, and disinheriting the elder of their kingdomes, have incensed their
                     children most cruelly to murther one another: so as did the father of <hi rend="italic">Atreus,</hi>

                     <note place="marg" anchored="true">Great murders &amp; civill warres to have ensued, for hauing
                        preferred the yonger brother before the elder.</note> and <hi rend="italic">Thyestes,</hi> who willing to preferre the younger before the elder, as the
                     fitter for the mannaging of the affaires of state, so filled and foyled his
                     house with most cruell and horrible tragedies. But more foolelishly doe they,
                     which search into the natiuities of <milestone n="G" unit="unspec"/> their
                     children, so to bestow the kingdome upon him whom the starres seeme to favour
                     most: as did <hi rend="italic">Alphonsus</hi> the 10, king of Castile, who by
                     this means would have preferred the yonger brother before the elder: who for
                     the disgrace so offered him, slue his yonger brother, and caused his said
                     father for griefe to die in prison. In like case almost <hi rend="italic">Gabriel</hi> the yonger sonne of the Marquesse of Salusse, by the consent
                     of his mother cast his elder brother into prison, pretending that he was out of
                     his wits: who yet breaking out of prison, recouered his principalitie, &amp;
                     hauing chased out his brother, coupt up his mother in the same prison, wherein
                     hee himselfe had but a little before beene shut up. And not to seeke further
                     from home, wee have seene all this realme on fire with civill warres, for that
                        <hi rend="italic">Lewes</hi> the Deuout, at the intreatie of his second
                     wife, had preferred <milestone n="H" unit="unspec"/>

                     <hi rend="italic">Charles</hi> the Bauld, before <hi rend="italic">Lothaire</hi> his elder brother. Wherefore pope <hi rend="italic">Pius</hi>
                     the second did wisely, in reiecting the request of <hi rend="italic">Charles</hi> the seuenth the French king, desirous to have preferred <hi rend="italic">Charles</hi> his yonger sonne before <hi rend="italic">Lewes</hi> the 11 his elder brother: howbeit that the king had reason so to
                     do, considering that <hi rend="italic">Lewes</hi> had without any iust
                     occasion, twice taken up armes against him, so to have taken from him the
                     crowne, and to have pluckt the scepter out of his hand.</p><p>Now it is so farre from that the first begotten, or eldest sonne, should for
                     cowardise or want of courage, be imbarred to succeed unto the crowne, as that
                     if he be misse shapen and deformed also, yet ought not the prerogative he hath
                     unto the crowne by his birthright for that to be taken from him. Howbeit that
                     it much concerneth the Commonweale <milestone n="I" unit="unspec"/> to haue
                     kings that be not deformed. Wherunto <hi rend="italic">Lycurgus</hi> and <hi rend="italic">Plato,</hi> would great regard to be had, and especially <hi rend="italic">Lycurgus,</hi> who willed the deformed children to be slaine.
                     But the <note n="*" place="marg" anchored="true"><hi rend="italic">Deut.</hi> 21. The elder brother euen by the law of God to
                        be preferred before the yonger.</note> law of God hath decided this doubt,
                     commanding the yonger not to be preferred before the elder, for what loue or
                     favour soeuer. Which is not onely to take place when question is of the right
                     of the elder, but also when the next heire male of the fathers side is to
                     succeed unto the crowne, albeit that he bee deformed. For one ought not for one
                     inconuenience to break so good a law, or to open a gap so dangerous vnto
                     Monarchies: which to be so the estates &amp; people of Hungarie shewed by a
                        most<note place="marg" anchored="true">A notable example.</note> notable example: contrarie
                     unto the will &amp; disposition of <hi rend="italic">Ladislaus</hi> their king,
                     who hauing no issue, adopted <hi rend="italic">Alme</hi> his brothers yongest
                     son, so to make him king after him, reiecting <milestone n="K" unit="unspec"/>

                     <hi rend="italic">Coloman</hi> his elder brother, whom he in a sort banished,
                     sending him a great way off, to studie in Paris: causing him also afterwards to
                     enter into the orders of priesthood, &amp; withall bestowing upon him a
                     bishoprike, so to take from him all the hope for him to succeed unto the
                     crowne. For he was a man altogether deformed, goggle eyed, euill spoken, lame,
                     &amp; crooked backed; &amp; yet for all that <hi rend="italic">Ladislaus</hi>
                     being dead, the estates of that kingdom draue out the yonger, refusing to haue
                     any other king but the elder brother, whome they called home, and by their
                     ambassadors afterward obtained of the pope, to have him dispenced with, and
                     discharged of his orders, and married also. <pb n="737" facs="376"/> In like
                     case <hi rend="italic">Agesilaus,</hi> a lawe dwarfe, hauing by the meanes of
                        <hi rend="italic">Lysander</hi> a prince of the <milestone n="A" unit="unspec"/> same bloud excluded <hi rend="italic">Leotichides</hi> as
                        <hi rend="italic">Alcibiades</hi> his bastard, succeeded into the kingdom,
                     not as the kings son, but as next of the fathers side, and of the bloud of <hi rend="italic">Hercules:</hi> his aduersaries in vaine complaining the
                     kingdom to hault. And howbeit that <hi rend="italic">Lysander</hi> who had
                     preferred <hi rend="italic">Agesilaus</hi> to the kingdome afterwards did what
                     he might to have abrogated the antient royall law, and to have published an
                     edict whereby the nearest of bloud should not have succeeded into the kingdome,
                     but that the most sufficient of the bloud royall should still be chosen; yet
                     was there none found of his opinion.<note place="marg" anchored="true">Whether a kingdome ought
                        to descend unto the yonger sonne borne whilest his father was king: or to
                        the elder, borne before his father had obtained the kingdome.</note>

                  </p><p>Some there bee which would adiudge kingdomes unto the yonger being borne kings
                     sons, their elder brethren being borne before that their fathers were king: as
                     was iudged for <hi rend="italic">Xerxes,</hi> declared king against <hi rend="italic">Artabazus</hi> his elder brother begot by <hi rend="italic">Darius</hi>

                     <milestone n="B" unit="unspec"/> before the kingdom of Persia fell unto him:
                     which iudgement was yet grounded upon equitie: For that the kingdome was but
                     lately fallen, not by any successiue right, but euen by lot or rather as it
                     were by chance unto <hi rend="italic">Darius.</hi> But where the kingdome is
                     descended by a lawfull succession from former ancestors, the eldest or neerest
                     of the fathers stocke is to succeed, although he be borne before his father was
                     possessed of the kingdome. Whereby is vnderstood what is to be iudged of the
                     question, which <hi rend="italic">Bartholus</hi> writeth to have happened in
                     his time; as whether <hi rend="italic">Philip</hi> earle of Valois his son
                     borne before his father was king of France, should as king succeed him in the
                     kingdome; or else his yonger sonne which he had after that he was king? Howbeit
                     that I <milestone n="C" unit="unspec"/> read in our histories him to have left
                     behind him none but his onely sonne <hi rend="italic">Iohn.</hi> But this same
                     question might well have bin disputed in the time of king <hi rend="italic">Charles</hi> the second, who before he was king had his sonne <hi rend="italic">Lewes:</hi> who yet without any question obtained the
                     kingdome, although he had his brother <hi rend="italic">Charles</hi> borne
                     whilest his father was king. For now question was of an antient kingdome
                     deuolued unto the next of name: wheras otherwise the yong sonne of a king
                     conquering a new kingdome should be preferred before his other brethren borne
                     before their father was a king. For as the children of base men are not
                     ennobled, being borne before their father was made noble; neither he to be
                     accounted a priests sonne, which was borne before his father was a priest: so
                     he also which is borne of a father before that he was king, not capable of the
                     kingdome <milestone n="D" unit="unspec"/> by right of succession, cannot
                     pretend any right to the crowne, although he be the eldest or neerest of kin:
                     but if he be enabled to attaine thereunto by lawfull succession, the kingdome
                     of right belongeth unto him, how be it that hee were not the soone of a king.
                     As was obserued in the kingdome of Persia whereinto <hi rend="italic">Artaxerxes</hi> succeeded, although he was borne before his father was
                     king: as claiming the kingdome from his great grandfather. And albeit that his
                     mother <hi rend="italic">Parysatis</hi> thrust all Asia into civill warre to
                     turne the estate unto her best beloued sonne the yong <hi rend="italic">Cyrus,</hi> yet so it is that by the iudgement of God he was in battell by
                     his elder brother ouerthrowne and so slain. In like sort and upon the same
                     doubt which happened about the succession of the kingdome of Hungarie, <hi rend="italic">Geica</hi> the elder brother borne before his father had
                     obtained the <milestone n="E" unit="unspec"/> kingdome, was by the consent of
                     all the estates proclaimed king: which neuer after was called in doubt, in what
                     kindome soeuer. Whereas otherwise there would ensue many intollerabe
                     absurdities: for if the king should leaue but one sonne borne before that he
                     was king, he could not succeed him. But yet whereas we have sayd, The
                     soueraigntie to be due to every one that is next of kinne; extendeth farre, not
                     onely unto them who the eldest being dead come in stead of the eldest, but vnto
                     their infinit posteritie also. For so <hi rend="italic">Demetrius</hi> reasoned
                     in the Senat at Rome, his brother <hi rend="italic">Antiochus</hi> king of
                     Syria being dead: for as (sayd he) the right of nations hath before giuen the
                     kingdome unto mine elder brother, euen by the selfe same right ought I now to
                        <pb n="738" facs="377"/> succeed him in the same.<milestone n="F" unit="unspec"/>

                  </p><p>But it may de doubted if the grandfather yet reigning, the eldest sonne shall
                     die leauing<note place="marg" anchored="true">Whether the elder brothers son (his father being
                        dead before he was king) be<gap reason="illegible" extent="1+_letters" instant="false"/> to succeed into his
                        grandfathers kingdome before his vncle, his grandfathers yonger
                        sonne.</note> a sonne, the grandfathers nephew; Whether the kingdome be due
                     unto the next brother or to the nephew, who is one degree farther off. upon
                     which question many have resolued it to be due unto the next brother. And
                     indeed <hi rend="italic">Scipio Africanus</hi> willing as an vmpire to haue
                     appeased the like controuersie betwixt <hi rend="italic">Corbis</hi> and <hi rend="italic">Orsua</hi> the vnkle and the nephew, for the kingdome of
                     Numidia, and not knowing what in this point to resolue upon, appointed the
                     kingdome to be tried by combat betwixt them two: they both of themselves
                     refusing to have any other god or man for iudge but Mars: In which combat <hi rend="italic">Corbis</hi> being both the elder and the cunninger ouercame
                     his nephew, as <hi rend="italic">Liuie</hi> writeth. Which like kind of combats
                     betwixt the vncle and the nephew <milestone n="G" unit="unspec"/>

                     <note place="marg" anchored="true"><hi rend="italic">Liuius li.</hi> 38.</note> have ofted in antient time
                     beene vndertaken among the Germaine princes: which was the onely cause that
                     stirred up <hi rend="italic">Barnard</hi> king of Italie to take up armes
                     against the emperour <hi rend="italic">Lewes</hi> the Deuout; alleadging that
                     the empire of right belonged unto him as the onely sonne of <hi rend="italic">Pepin</hi> the eldest sonne of <hi rend="italic">Charlemaigne,</hi> and not
                     to <hi rend="italic">Lewes</hi> the Deuout the yonger brother of <hi rend="italic">Pepin:</hi> howbeit that <hi rend="italic">Lewes</hi> yet
                     caried it away, though not so much by right as by force of armes, and so
                     preuailing against <hi rend="italic">Bernard</hi> kept him<note place="marg" anchored="true">The manner and order of the succession of the kingdome of Moscouie.</note>
                     shut up in perpetuall prison. And euen yet at this present the kingdome of
                     Moscouie is alwayes giuen unto the yonger brother, after the death of the
                     grandfather, without respect unto the children of the elder brother: and that
                     more is, the yonger brother succeedeth in the kingdome unto the elder brother,
                     although the elder brother being <milestone n="H" unit="unspec"/> king leaue
                     behind him a sonne yet under age: For so <hi rend="italic">Basilius</hi> the
                     Great, king of Moscouie succeeded in the kingdome after his elder brother who
                     had children. For which reason also <hi rend="italic">Henry</hi> of Lancaster
                     the sonne of <hi rend="italic">Iohn</hi> of Gaunt deposed <hi rend="italic">Richard</hi> the eldest sonne of <hi rend="italic">Edward</hi> the Blacke
                     prince: alleaging that his father beeing by death preuented, he could not
                     succed <hi rend="italic">Edward</hi> his grandfather in the kingdome: which yet
                     was but an vniust quarrell pickt. So in like case <hi rend="italic">Robert</hi>
                     of Naples the yonger brother, by the sentence of the Pope and of the colledge
                     of cardinals, obtained the kingdome of Naples: the sonne of the elder brother
                     king of Hungarie being so excluded. An vsuall matter amongst the Vandals, as
                        <hi rend="italic">Procopius</hi> writeth: for so <hi rend="italic">Honorius</hi> got the kingdome of <hi rend="italic">Gensericus</hi> his
                     grandfather, howbeit that <hi rend="italic">Gerso</hi> his eldest sonne dying
                     had left sonnes; <milestone n="I" unit="unspec"/> which he obtained not so much
                     by his grandfathers will, as by the antient law of almost all the Nomades and
                     Northren nations.</p><p>And which I see to have bene common euen unto our ancestors also: for so <hi rend="italic">Gontran</hi> preuailed against <hi rend="italic">Childebert</hi> the eldest sonne of <hi rend="italic">Sigisbert</hi> in the
                     obtaining of the kingdom of France. So <hi rend="italic">Mauld</hi> ouercame
                        <hi rend="italic">Robert</hi> her nephew, the son of <hi rend="italic">Robert</hi> her elder brother, for the countie of Arthoise, the Senat of
                     France desciding the matter; and so obtained her fathers whole inheritance. <hi rend="italic">Henry</hi> also sonne to <hi rend="italic">Theobald</hi> earle
                     of Champaigne in like sute ouercome his eldest brothers sonne. But when <hi rend="italic">Iohn Montfort</hi> in like sute for the dukedome of Britaine
                     was ouerthrown, by his aunt the daughter of <hi rend="italic">Vide</hi> of
                     Britaine; what by right he could not, he by force obtained, not without a most
                     cruell <milestone n="K" unit="unspec"/> and bloudie warre. And so (as we sayd)
                        <hi rend="italic">Robert</hi> the sonne of <hi rend="italic">Charles</hi>
                     the second, by the iudgement of the Pope obtained the kingdome of Naples, <hi rend="italic">Charles</hi> his nephew the elder brothers sonne, king of
                     Hungarie, in vaine reclaiming. <hi rend="italic">Sanxius</hi> also the sonne of
                        <hi rend="italic">Alphonsus</hi> the tenth king of Castile, his father
                     favouring of him thrust his elder brothers sonnes out of the hope of the
                     kingdome. <hi rend="italic">Iohn</hi> also hauing slaine <hi rend="italic">Arthure, Godfrey</hi> his elder brothers sonne, tooke upon him the kingdome
                     of England. Vnlike was the quartell of <hi rend="italic">Siluius,</hi> who
                     after the death of <hi rend="italic">Ascanius,</hi> in the right of his mother
                     tooke from <hi rend="italic">Iulus, Ascanius</hi> his sonne, the kingdome of
                     the Latins: For that <hi rend="italic">Lauinia</hi> had <hi rend="italic">Siluius</hi>

                     <pb n="739" facs="377"/> by <hi rend="italic">Aeneas</hi> but not <hi rend="italic">Ascanius.</hi> But not fewer, yea and I know not whether moe
                        <milestone n="A" unit="unspec"/> nephews to have obtained their grandfathers
                     kingdomes, their vncles yet liuing, according to the antient law of the
                     Lacedemonians. As for <hi rend="italic">Lycurgus,</hi> he gaue unto <hi rend="italic">Charilaus</hi> his eldest brothers sonne, his kingdome, which
                     he might easily have taken unto himselfe, the childs mother consenting
                     thereunto. <hi rend="italic">Arcus</hi> also the elder brothers sonne, after
                     the death of his grandfather obtained the same kingdome, his vncle <hi rend="italic">Acrotatus</hi> yet liuing. So also <hi rend="italic">Iohn</hi>
                     the sonne of <hi rend="italic">Ferdinand</hi> succeeded to <hi rend="italic">Alphonsus</hi> his grandfather king of Portugall, <hi rend="italic">Henry</hi> his vncle being yet alive. And not long after <hi rend="italic">Sebastian</hi> the son of <hi rend="italic">Iohn</hi> the eldest brother
                     tooke upon him the kingdome of <hi rend="italic">Emanuel</hi> his grandfather,
                     and not <hi rend="italic">Henry</hi> his vncle, <hi rend="italic">Lewes</hi> of
                     Niuers also after the death of his grandfather got the counties of the Low
                     countries his vncle yet liuing and looking on. But <hi rend="italic">Robert</hi> the <milestone n="B" unit="unspec"/> second, king of Naples
                     (whose father by the sentence of the Pope had ouercome his elder brothers
                     sonne) when question was betwixt the vncle and the nephew for the countie of S.
                     Seuerine, by the councell of the lawyers gaue sentence on the nephews side. The
                     like sentence was giuen by the iudges of the court of Paris betwixt the heires
                     of <hi rend="italic">Iohn Vaste</hi> the sonne of the earle of Foix, and the
                     heire of <hi rend="italic">Francis Phebe,</hi> who being the sonne of the elder
                     brother had got his grandfathers inheritance, his vncle yet liuing. So also was
                     it iudged for the dukedome of Britaine against <hi rend="italic">Iohn
                        Montfort.</hi> Others have left it as a thing doubtfull to be tried by
                     combat. For as <hi rend="italic">Scipio Africanus</hi> permitted the combat
                     betwixt <hi rend="italic">Orsue</hi> and <hi rend="italic">Corbis</hi> whom hee
                     could not by law appease: the same we read to have happened first under <hi rend="italic">Otho</hi> the Great, and after that under <hi rend="italic">Henry</hi> the first <milestone n="C" unit="unspec"/> in Germanie; and the
                     vncle to have bene ouercome by their brothers sonnes. But the nephew of <hi rend="italic">Agathocles</hi> king of Syracusa slew his vncle, going about
                     to have taken upon him his grandfathers kingdome.</p><p>Neither want there probable reasons on both sides. For the nephew it
                        auaileth<note place="marg" anchored="true">Reasons for the succession of the nephew before
                        his vncle.</note> that his father being dead he falleth into the power of
                     his grandfather, &amp; so is made his heire by the law of the twelue tables:
                     and together with his vncles is admitted into his portion of his grandfathers
                     inheritance, he dying intestat. And if the father substitute an heire unto his
                     sonne, that substitution ceaseth if the sonne beget children, onely upon the
                     coniecture of the fathers kind affection towards his sonne, as <hi rend="italic">Papinian</hi> the lawyer hath answered. Yea, by the Roman
                     lawes, brothers sonnes are admitted unto <milestone n="D" unit="unspec"/> their
                     vncles inheritance: but then how much more true and iust is it for them to bee
                     admitted unto the inheritance of their grandfathers? That is also moreouer,
                     that by the antient customes of Fees the nephew may by right receiue the whole
                     benefit, his vncles being quite excluded. But no reason is more effectuall,
                     than that an inheritance neither entered upon, neither so much as yet fallen,
                     is not onely deriued from the grandfather to the nephews; but euen the verie
                     vncertaine hope of a matter in trust being so but under a condition
                     conceiued.</p><p>Neither yet for all this is the vncles cause on the other side altogether
                     without reason,<note place="marg" anchored="true">Reasons for the succession of the vncle
                        before his nephew.</note> if a man will but more neerly looke into these
                     matters, and without guile interpret the law of the twelue tables. For why this
                     law still admitteth the nearest of kinne <milestone n="E" unit="unspec"/> vnto
                     the inheritance: but now the sonne is nearer unto the father than the nephew,
                     who but by a false supposall and fiction is deemed to be the same person with
                     his dead father. But admitting that a faigned supposall is in some cases to bee
                     borne withall: yet seemeth it not reason that such a false fiction should
                     preuaile against the truth, especially unto another mans harme or preiudice of
                     his right. Neither doth the kindnesse of nature suffer the sonnes to be spoyled
                     of their fathers wealth and goods, that all might be giuen unto the nephew, who
                     is farthest off from the grandfather: which must needs be not onely in the
                     obtaining of a kingdome, but also of a dukedome, or of an earledome, <pb n="740" facs="378"/> or of an indiuisible fee, by reason of that imaginarie
                     fiction whereof wee have <milestone n="F" unit="unspec"/> spoken, the nephew to
                     be supposed to represent the person of his dead father. And so farre it was
                     from that the Roman lawes should suffer the sonnes to be disturbed by the
                     nephewes, as that things committed euen but upon trust come not unto the
                     nephewes before that all the sonnes one of them substituted unto another, be
                     dead. But admit that the sonnes, contrarie unto the lawes both of nature, and
                     of the Romans, may be disinherited, that so way may be made for the nephew
                     (which we see in indiuisible succession to be still done) yet is it an
                     vnreasonable, and vniust thing, an infant, a child, or one under age, of no
                     experience in matters of warre, or in the other civill and weightie affaires of
                     the Commonweale, to be called unto the soueraigntie of a kingdome; and another
                     neerer than he, that excelleth both in yeares and wisedome, to be in the meane
                        <milestone n="G" unit="unspec"/> time debarred of his fathers kingdome. For
                     which reason the lawyers have giuen the tuition of the fathers enfranchised
                     slaue unto the vncle, the nephew being excluded: but by how much more then is
                     the tuition of the kingdome to be committed unto the vncle, rather than vnto
                     the nephew? And last of all so it is, that vncles unto whom the tuition of
                     their yong royall nephewes is almost still committed, commonly thinke of
                     nothing else, but of the murthering and killing of them: whereof innumerable
                     examples (and yet not all) are in histories reported, all which if I should goe
                     about to gather together, I should so become tedious. Besides that, it is in
                     sacred writ set downe, <note n="*" place="marg" anchored="true"><hi rend="italic">Esay.</hi> 3.</note>

                     <hi rend="italic">That Commonweale to be miserable and vnfortunat, where
                        children beare rule.</hi>

                  </p><p>Howbeit that the old receiued custome of our auncestours, and iudgements in
                     this <milestone n="H" unit="unspec"/> case often giuen, have called me backe
                     from this opinion. For those inconueniences which we have spoken of, happen but
                     seldome: which being such, the lawmakers are not greatly to respect. For if we
                     would rehearse all the kings of Fraunce euen from the time of <hi rend="italic">Charles</hi> the Great, we shall scarcely, or els not at all, in the space
                     of twelue hundred yeares, find the vncle and the nephew, after the death of the
                     grandfather, to have met together as competitors in the succession of this
                     kingdome. Wee read it in the space of about five or six hundred yeares to haue
                     happened once in England, once in Castile, twice in Portugall, and once in
                     Sicilia. Wherefore let the sentence as well of the auntient, as of the later
                     lawyers preuaile for the nephew against the vncle: not only in direct, but euen
                     in oblique, and collaterall succession also. Which we have somewhat <milestone n="I" unit="unspec"/> the more curiously reasoned of, for that succession of
                     the kingdome of Fraunce, which seemeth to be euen neere at hand. But if cosin
                     Germans, or the vncle and the nephew, shall in the right of themselves without
                     any fained supposall of representation, lay claime unto the crowne of a king
                     their kinsman, dead without heires male, be it that they were fiftie degrees
                     off, yet he that is descended of the elder, albeit that hee were himselfe the
                     younger, shall carry it away from the elder: as it may and hath oftentimes enow
                     happened in this realme. And yet neuerthelesse in particular successions in
                     collaterall lines, they shall equally diuide the diuisible inheritance into
                     parts: but if the inheritance be indiuisible, the elder of the two in like
                     degree is to bee preferred before the younger, and to enioy the right of his
                     eldership, albeit that the younger bee descended <milestone n="K" unit="unspec"/> from the more auntient auncestors: as was adiudged in the court of Paris,
                     betwixt <hi rend="italic">Villiers,</hi> and <hi rend="italic">Baynecourt,</hi>
                     cosens germans, for the inheritance of <hi rend="italic">Francis Bloqui,</hi>
                     without any regard unto the race of the elder auncestours, considering that
                     they came unto the succession of their chiefe ot head, and not by false
                     supposall, or by the way of representation.</p><p>And yet is it not sufficient, that the next heires male of name succeed, but it
                     is needfull also, that the kingdome, how great soeuer it be, with all the
                     soueraigne rights therof, bee wholly giuen to one without partition: as <hi rend="italic">Gensericus</hi> king of the Vandales <pb n="741" facs="378"/>
                     wisely appointed. For otherwise if a Monarchy be divided, it is no more to be
                     accounted <milestone n="A" unit="unspec"/>

                     <note place="marg" anchored="true">That a kingdom how great soeuer is not to be divided, but to
                        be wholly giuen to one without partition.</note> a Monarchy, but rather a
                     Poliarchy, or Monarchy divided into many Monarchies. Which was not by the law
                     Salique with vs (as some suppose) prouided for, or fooreseene. For we find that
                        <hi rend="italic">Aribert,</hi> brother to <hi rend="italic">Dagobert</hi>
                     the eldest sonne of <hi rend="italic">Clotaire</hi> the second, was also king
                     with his brother, one of them holding nothing of the other. <hi rend="italic">Clodoueus</hi> also the eldest sonne of <hi rend="italic">Dagobert,</hi>
                     was king of Paris, and <hi rend="italic">Sigebert</hi> his brother king of
                     Metz. And after the death of <hi rend="italic">Clodoueus</hi> his foure sonnes
                     divided the realme into foure kingdomes: for <hi rend="italic">Childebert</hi>
                     was king of Paris, <hi rend="italic">Clodoueus</hi> king of Orleans, <hi rend="italic">Clotaire</hi> of Soissons, and <hi rend="italic">Theodoric</hi> of Metz. But the rest being dead, all in fine came to <hi rend="italic">Clotaire,</hi> whose eldest sonne <hi rend="italic">Cherebert</hi> was king of Paris, <hi rend="italic">Chilperic</hi> of
                     Soissons, <hi rend="italic">Gontran</hi> of Orleans, and <hi rend="italic">Sigebert</hi> of Metz, all kings: which multitude of kings were scarece
                     euer <milestone n="B" unit="unspec"/> quiet from civill warres. For which it
                     was wisely prouided by the successors of <hi rend="italic">Hugh Capet,</hi> who
                     ordained three kings of great consequence for the maintaining of this Monarchy
                     in the greatnesse thereof. First they excluded the bastards of the house
                        of<note place="marg" anchored="true">Three things of great consequēce ordained for the
                        maintainance of the kingdome of France in the greatnesse therof.</note>
                     Fraunce, from all entrance unto the kingdome, not allowing them so much as to
                     be accounted in the number of their naturall children: that so from thenceforth
                     they might thinke of the begetting of lawfull children, their base borne
                     children being now quite excluded from the crowne. Howbeit that it was
                     permitted unto the bastards of other princes of the blood, and of other noble
                     houses, to be by their fathers auouched, and to beare the name, the armes, the
                     stile and noble titles of their naturall fathers: prouiding also better, by
                     taking away of the masters of the palace, whose power was now become <milestone n="C" unit="unspec"/> dreadfull unto the people, and daungerous unto the
                     kings. Secondarily they ordained all the soueraigne royall rights, to be wholly
                     and entirely giuen to the eldest brother alone, and from thenceforth not to be
                     communicated with the younger brethren, but to be all enforced to yeeld vnto
                     their elder brother all obedience and fealtie. And lastly, that such lands as
                     by the kings appointment were assigned unto the kings sonnes, to be holden in
                     fealtie, they dying without heires male, should againe freely returne unto the
                     crowne. And the kings sisters to have their dowrie in money onely: that so not
                     onely the rights of soueraigntie, but euen the crowne lands also, might so much
                     as possible was be kept whole &amp; entire unto the eldest brother. And as for
                     the bastards of France,<milestone n="D" unit="unspec"/> we find them in former
                     times to have had their parts in the kingdome together with the kings other
                     lawfull sonnes: as the bastard brother of <hi rend="italic">Charles</hi> the
                     Simple, had part in the kingdome, and so after the manner of our auncestors was
                     called a king. True it is, that <hi rend="italic">Theodoric</hi> the kings
                     bastard was excluded, for that he was begot of a bondwoman, who yet
                     neuerthelesse demaunded his part of the kingdome, unto whome for all that
                     aunswere was giuen, That he must first be made a free man.</p><p>And as for diuiding of a Monarchy, I have said, that being divided, it is no
                     more a<note place="marg" anchored="true">A Monarchy divided, no more▪ to be accounted a
                        Monarchy.</note> Monarchy, no more than a crowne or robe divided into parts,
                     is any more to bee acconnted a robe or a crowne: the inuiolat nature of unitie
                     being such, as that it can abide no partition. Neither find we the auntient
                     kings of Persia, Aegypt, Parthia, or Assyria,<milestone n="E" unit="unspec"/>
                     at any time to have divided their most great and spatious kingdomes: neither
                     yet any other kings to have used any such partition of their realmes. <hi rend="italic">Iosaphat</hi> king of the Iewes hauing six sonnes, left his
                     kingdom whole and entire unto his eldest sonne <hi rend="italic">Ioram,</hi>
                     assigning unto the rest certaine yearely annuities, or pensions. The first that
                     opened this daungerous gap, was <hi rend="italic">Aristodemus</hi> king of
                     Lacedemonia, who yet divided not his kingdome unto his two sonnes, <hi rend="italic">Proculus</hi> and <hi rend="italic">Euristhenes,</hi> but left
                     the kingdome vndivided unto them both: and so thinking to have made them both
                     kings, tooke from them both all soueraigne authoritie and power. After whose
                     example the kingdome of the Messenians, neere unto the Lacedemonians, was by
                     the father giuen vndivided unto <pb n="742" facs="379"/>

                     <hi rend="italic">Leucippus</hi> and <hi rend="italic">Amphareus,</hi> being
                     brethren: the chiefe cause why those two kingdoms <milestone n="F" unit="unspec"/> were chaunged into Aristocraties. And yet two inconueniences
                     propounded, it is better<note place="marg" anchored="true">To diuide a kingdome, a thing
                        dangerous</note> two kingdomes to be giuen unto two kings, than one kingdome
                     to be giuen to many: as it hath sometimes happened, the father to have divided
                     unto his sonnes diuers kingdomes, before they were into one vnited: for so <hi rend="italic">Iames</hi> king of Aragon appointed <hi rend="italic">Peter</hi> his eldest sonne to be king of Aragon, and <hi rend="italic">Iames</hi> his younger sonne to bee king of Maiorque: howbeit that
                     afterward the elder brother tooke the yonger prisoner, and in prison starued
                     him, whome much lesse he would have endured to have bene partner with him in
                     the kingdome, and so vnited both the kingdomes into one. So it befell also the
                     children of <hi rend="italic">Boleslaus</hi> the second, king of Polonia, who
                     hauing divided the kingdome unto his foure sonnes, and leauing nothing unto the
                     fift, kindled such a fire of sedition,<milestone n="G" unit="unspec"/> as could
                     not afterward be quenched, but with much blood of the subiects. Yet<note place="marg" anchored="true">How the diuision of kingdoms may be borne.</note> this diuision
                     of kingdomes is well to bee borne withall, when it is made by him which hath
                     conquered them, who may giue his conquests got by his owne prowesse and valour,
                     unto his yonger sonnes, as he seeth good, according to their age or deserts:
                     leauing yet still unto the eldest, the auntient kingdome or territorie: as did
                        <hi rend="italic">William</hi> the Conquerour, who left the dukedome of
                     Normandie, and the other countries which he had from his father, unto his
                     eldest sonne <hi rend="italic">Robert Curteyse,</hi> who succeeded him not in
                     the kingdome of England, for that he was not the sonne of a king (as saith the
                     Norman historie) but left that kingdome which he had conquered unto <hi rend="italic">William Rufus,</hi> which hee had not as yet vnited unto his
                     other countries: leauing unto <hi rend="italic">Henrie</hi> his third sonne
                     nothing <milestone n="H" unit="unspec"/> but a yerely pension: and yet for all
                     that <hi rend="italic">Robert</hi> the eldest brother, desirous also to haue
                     had the kingdome from <hi rend="italic">Henry</hi> the third brother, who after
                     the death of <hi rend="italic">William Rufus</hi> his brother, had ceised
                     thereon, in seeking too greedily thereafter, lost both the one and the other:
                     and being taken by the third brother (who now carried away all) was by him cast
                     in prison, and so depriued of his sight there miserably died. And albeit<note place="marg" anchored="true">That a new conquered kingdom with all the soue raigne rights
                        thereof, is better left wholly unto one, than to be divided among<gap reason="illegible" extent="1+_letters" instant="false"/> many.</note> that this disposition of the
                     Conquerours was right iust, as grounded both uppon reason and authoritie, yet
                     had it bene much more saftie, to have left the whole kingdome, and all the
                     soueraigne rights thereof unto one alone: as was done amongst the children of
                        <hi rend="italic">Charles</hi> Countie of Prouince, and of <hi rend="italic">Philip Valois</hi> king of Fraunce, where the eldest had all: which is by
                     farre the surest for the estate, without respect unto the other <milestone n="I" unit="unspec"/> legitimat children, which are not to have place, where
                     question is of soueraigntie, or of demaines vnited to a Monarchy. For if
                     honourable fees be not to be divided, by how much lesse can kingdomes
                     themselves, and soueraigne rights so bee? As dukedomes, counties, and
                     marquisats, yea and in many places baronies also, are not suffered to fall into
                     partition: prouided yet that the yonger brethren bee in some sort recompensed:
                     which recompensing is not in a Monarchy, which suffereth neither diuision nor
                     estimation to take place. But well of long time the vse hath bene, to giue
                     certaine lands<note place="marg" anchored="true">How the kings younger sonnes are prouided for
                        in Fraunce.</note> and fees for the maintainance of the younger brethren of
                     the house of Fraunce: which have bene again adiudged unto the crowne, they
                     which had them being dead without issue: as was decided for the inheritance of
                        <hi rend="italic">Robert</hi> earle of Cleremont brother to saint <milestone n="K" unit="unspec"/>

                     <hi rend="italic">Lewes,</hi> unto whome that inheritance was adiudged: his
                     other brethren <hi rend="italic">Charles</hi> and <hi rend="italic">Alphonsus</hi> earle of Poitiers both excluded. The like iudgement being
                     also giuen against <hi rend="italic">Charles,</hi> concerning the succession
                     into the inheritance of <hi rend="italic">Alphonsus,</hi> dying also without
                     issue: <hi rend="italic">Charles</hi> his brother enioying no part thereof, the
                     inheritance by a decree of the Senat, being adiudged from him, and giuen vnto
                     the crowne. For which cause the succeeding kings better aduised, and to the
                     intent that the matter should bee no more doubted of, have prouided, that in
                     the letters patents concerning the lands and pensions giuen unto their younger
                     brethren, it should expresly be comprised, that they dying <pb n="743" facs="379"/> without heires male, those lands unto them so giuen should
                     againe returne unto the <milestone n="A" unit="unspec"/> crowne: as was done in
                     the graunt of the lands giuen to <hi rend="italic">Lewes</hi> duke of Aniou,
                     king <hi rend="italic">Iohn</hi> his sonne. And albeit that <hi rend="italic">Renate</hi> the yonger sonne of <hi rend="italic">Lewes</hi> the third,
                     duke of Aniou, succeeded his elder brother into the inheritance, yet was it
                     rather by sufferance, than for any right he had so to doe as heire male. For
                     otherwise the earle of Niuers after the death of <hi rend="italic">Charles</hi>
                     duke of Bourgundie (his nie kinsman dead without any heires male) might iustly
                     have claimed the dutchie, considering that in the letters patents of <hi rend="italic">Philip</hi> the Hardy, the dukedome of Bourgundie was giuen
                     unto him and to his children, as well females as males, without any exception
                     of sexe. Yet pretended the earle no right thereunto, but the duke being dead,
                     king <hi rend="italic">Lewes</hi> the eleuenth in his owne right claimed the
                     dukedome of Bourgundie. True it is, that the French kings in that <milestone n="B" unit="unspec"/> point sometime favour the princes of the blood,
                     suffering them to enioy the inheritance of their kinsmen, dying without heires
                     male. So <hi rend="italic">Philip</hi> of Valois obtaining the kingdome,
                     resigned the earledome of Valois unto his younger brother <hi rend="italic">Charls.</hi> And <hi rend="italic">Charles</hi> the sixt the French king
                     being dead, <hi rend="italic">Charles</hi> of Angoulesme succeeded unto the
                     dutchie of Orleans, and yet his sonnes sonne <hi rend="italic">Iohn</hi> of
                     Angoulesme succeeded not unto the said dutchy of Orleans, <hi rend="italic">Lewes</hi> the twelft hauing got the kingdome, annexing the same dukedome
                     unto the crowne. For they are deceiued which write <hi rend="italic">Peter</hi>
                     of Burbon, lord of Beauieu, to have succeeded his brother <hi rend="italic">Iohn</hi> into the lands which hee had receiued from the kings his
                     auncestors, by lawfull right rather than by the graunt and favour of king <hi rend="italic">Lewes</hi> the eleuenth, whose sister <hi rend="italic">Anne</hi> the said <hi rend="italic">Peter</hi> had maried, whom <milestone n="C" unit="unspec"/> he most entirely loued. And so <hi rend="italic">Lewes</hi> the twelft was content also, that <hi rend="italic">Susan</hi>
                     of Burbon the onely daughter of <hi rend="italic">Peter</hi> of Burbon,
                     marrying <hi rend="italic">Charles</hi> of Burbon, should hold such lands, long
                     before giuen to the crowne: but the said <hi rend="italic">Susan</hi> beeing
                     dead without issue, those lands were forthwith ceized upon, and againe annexed
                     unto the crowne, namely the counties of Auergne, and Clermont, and the dukedome
                     of Burbon, howbeit that it was not in the letters patents comprised: which
                     thing is thought especially to have moued <hi rend="italic">Charles</hi> of
                     Burbon to have entred into rebellion against the king. So also we find, that
                     after the death of <hi rend="italic">Iohn</hi> the third, duke of Alanson, the
                     dutchy of Alanson was at the motion of the kings Attourney generall ceized upon
                     for the king; howbeit that the duke had left two daughters his heires, vnto
                     whome were reserued onely the lands by <milestone n="D" unit="unspec"/> their
                     father purchased. All which was done to the intent so much as was possible, to
                     keepe the kingdome vndivided, and so to come whole and entire unto the kings,
                     and not rent and torne, with the parts thereof as the limmes pluckt away: as it
                     hath also bene wisely foreseene, and prouided for, in the dutchies of Sauoy,
                     Milan, Loraine, Mantua,<note place="marg" anchored="true">The reason why women inherit not
                        land▪ by thei<gap reason="illegible" extent="1+_letters" instant="false"/> auncestors descending unto them,
                        which lands sometime belonged unto the crowne of Fraunce.</note> and Cleue,
                     which indiuisibly belong unto the next of kin. And albeit that the German
                     princes do equally diuide all the fees of the empire, excepting the princes
                     electors, yet is that contrarie unto the custome and manner of their
                     auncestours (who as <hi rend="italic">Tacitus</hi> writeth) gaue all their
                     lands and inheritances unto the eldest, and their mouables &amp; money onely
                     unto the rest. And so we read <hi rend="italic">Abraham</hi> the Patriarch to
                     have done, giuing his whole inheritance unto his eldest sonne, and money vnto
                     the rest, whome hee <milestone n="E" unit="unspec"/> sent from him whilest he
                     himselfe yet lived.</p><p>But haply here some man may say, it to be expedient if the Monarchie be great,
                        as<note place="marg" anchored="true">Great kingdome and monarchies, not to be with any
                        safetie divided into many.</note> were those of the Persians, the Romans,
                     the Frenchmen, and the Spaniards; and that the prince or monarch have many
                     children, or that there be many competitors, that then the surest way is to
                     diuide it: so as did <hi rend="italic">Augustus, Marcus Antonius, Sextus
                        Pompeius,</hi> who by lot divided the Roman empire, and so of one great
                     Monarchie made three. And this expediencie should seeme unto me good, if that
                     princes after that they had bounded out their frontiers, could bound out also
                     their desires. But there are no <pb n="744" facs="380"/> mountaines so high, no
                     riuers so broad, nor seas so deepe, that were euer yet able to stay <milestone n="F" unit="unspec"/> the course of their ambitious and insatiable desires:
                     as these three great men of whom I but euen now spoke, by proofe shewed: not
                     onely the island of Sicilia (although it were but a most strait prouince) but
                     euen the ayre which we breath, together with life it selfe, being taken from
                        <hi rend="italic">Sextus Pompeius,</hi> the bonds of confederacie being in
                     short time broken amongst the consederats. Neither could <hi rend="italic">Antonius</hi> endure the government of <hi rend="italic">Augustus,</hi>
                     neither <hi rend="italic">Augustus</hi> the government of <hi rend="italic">Anthonie,</hi> although he were a great way off from him▪ So that one of
                     the three being before slaine, the other two could neuer be at quiet, vntill
                     they had one of them quite ruinated the other. And if at any time it haue
                     happened, some of the emperours of the East, and of the West, in so great an
                     empire to have lived in peace, it was not long, but almost a miracle, neither
                     such as <milestone n="G" unit="unspec"/> to be drawne into examples for vs to
                     imitate: whereas to the contrarie for one example of them, which have in unitie
                     and concord gouerned together, there are to be found an hundred which haue
                     massacred one another. Whereof there is no more notable example, than the
                     mightie <hi rend="italic">Othoman</hi> familie, wherein many most horrible
                     murders have bene for the empire committed, the parents not sparing their owne
                     children, neither the children their parents: insomuch that within this two
                     hundred yeares past, they have not ceased still to kill one another, vntill
                     there be but one of them left alive. And in the<note place="marg" anchored="true">Soueraigntie
                        admitteth no partnership.</note> little isle of Gerbe, six kings have in
                     lesse time than fifteene yeares beene slaine one of them by another, being not
                     able to endure a companion or partaker one of them with another in the
                     soueraigntie. And albeit that <hi rend="italic">Galeace</hi> the second, and
                        <hi rend="italic">Barnabas,</hi> two most <milestone n="H" unit="unspec"/>
                     louing brethren, brought up euen from their cradles together, hauing oftentimes
                     endured like daungers; being both banished, and both at one and the selfe same
                     time called home againe, and both two established lieutenants of the empire,
                     and alwayes companions in armes together; had equally divided the principalitie
                     of Milan betwixt them, which they so held and defended, as that it seemed a
                     thing impossible to seperat them a funder: yet at length <hi rend="italic">Galeace</hi> onely for the ambitious desire of soueraigntie, most cruelly
                     slue his said brother, together with all his children. So <hi rend="italic">Abimelech</hi> the bastard slue threescore and nine of his brethren, that
                     he might all alone raigne. And <hi rend="italic">Berdeboc</hi> king of Tartarie
                     with like slaughter, and for like cause, slue his twelue brethren. <hi rend="italic">Sephadin</hi> also caused the ten sonnes of his brother <hi rend="italic">Saladin</hi> to be all murthered, that he might himselfe
                        <milestone n="I" unit="unspec"/> alone raigne in Aegypt. The successors of
                        <hi rend="italic">Alexander</hi> also most part of them slue one another,
                     not sparing either their parents, or children. For as for one brother to kill
                     another, it was so common a matter (as <hi rend="italic">Plutarch</hi> writeth)
                     as that it seemed almost a miracle unto the ambassadour of <hi rend="italic">Ptolomey,</hi> that <hi rend="italic">Demetrius</hi> standing on the right
                     hand of <hi rend="italic">Antigonus</hi> his father, with a boare speare in his
                     hand, could abstaine from killing of his father. But yet greater was the
                     crueltie of king <hi rend="italic">Deiotarus,</hi> who at one time slew twelue
                     of his sonnes, for no other cause, but so the better to assure his kingdome
                     unto the thirteenth, whome he best loued▪ For alwayes amongst equals, the
                     ambitious desires they have to be one of them greater than another, still
                     armeth them one against another: Wheras in a Monarchy, where there is but one
                     soueraigne, and unto whom the princes <milestone n="K" unit="unspec"/> of the
                     blood are all subiect, being prouided of yearely pensions, or lands giuen them
                     for their maintenance; it is certaine, that to have alwaies some farther favour
                     from their soueraigne, they will still yeeld them more obeysance. And therefore
                     our kings which<note place="marg" anchored="true">Places of too much power and command, not to
                        be committed unto princes of the blood, or otherwise great lords.</note>
                     have bene better aduised, have not giuen unto their brethren, or the princes of
                     the blood, the places of lieutenants generall of their armies, either of the
                     high constable: but rather unto some other of the meaner nobilitie, such as
                     were <hi rend="italic">Bertrand, Gueschlin, Oliver Clisson, Simon</hi> earle of
                     Montfort, with others of like qualitie, men of great seruice, and under whome
                     the princes of the blood might march; and yet neuerthelesse <pb n="745" facs="380"/> without all hope of aspiring to the soueraigntie. So as did the
                     auntient Romans, and <milestone n="A" unit="unspec"/> namely <hi rend="italic">Augustus,</hi> who amongst other the secrets of his government, had this
                     for one, Not to giue the place of a Generall, or of a Gouernour of the
                     frontiers, and especially of Aegypt, unto any the noble Senators of auntient
                     houses, but onely unto men of meaner estate. And albeit that the kings of the
                     Northerne parts have as it were alwaies called the princes of their blood vnto
                     their councell; yet so it is, that other Monarches keepe them backe so much as
                     they can: whether it be for the distrust they have in them, or to keepe their
                     councell in such libertie, as that it may not be diminished by the greatnesse
                     of the princes of the blood: or that it is to take away the ambition and
                     iealousie which is ineuitable amongst princes of the same blood, if the king
                     shall chance to fauor one of them more than another. And although there be many
                     princes neere unto the <milestone n="B" unit="unspec"/>

                     <hi rend="italic">Othoman</hi> blood, as namely the <hi rend="italic">Michaloglies,</hi> the <hi rend="italic">Ebranes, the Turacanes;</hi> yet
                     are they neuer of the priuie councel, either yet admitted to any great place of
                     honor, or command. And in the Monarchy of the Aethiopians (which is one of the
                     greatest, and most auntientest<note place="marg" anchored="true">A right strange custome vsed
                        among the Aethiopians.</note> in the world) there is no prince of the blood,
                     which commeth neere the court, but are all trained up in all honour and vertue,
                     within a most strong castle, built uppon the mountaine Anga (one of the highest
                     in all Affrike) kept with a perpetuall &amp; strong garrison: from whence at
                     such time as the king dieth, he which excelleth the rest in vertue, is from the
                     mountaine called unto the kingdome. Which (as they say) was first ordained by
                     one <hi rend="italic">Abraham</hi> king of Aethiopia, by diuine reuelation, to
                     auoid the factions <milestone n="C" unit="unspec"/> and civill warres of
                     princes among themselves; as also the massacres which oft times happen in other
                     kingdomes, about the soueraigntie; as also to have alwaies princes of the blood
                     roiall, whome they call <hi rend="italic">The Children of Israel</hi>
                     (assuredly supposing them to be of the blood of the Hebrewes: beside that, the
                     Aethiopian language taketh much of the Hebrew) to the intent the estate should
                     not fall into combustion, the kings line fayling: or els for that the princes
                     of the blood should not at libertie seeke to aduance themselves by force: or
                     being aduanced, should not seeke to inuade the estate. For a<note place="marg" anchored="true">Master of the forces, master of the estate.</note> man may hold it for a
                     maxime, That in every Commonweale, if too much power be giuen unto a prince or
                     great lord of the blood, it is alwayes to be feared, least he should at one
                     time or other ceize upon the estate; seeing that euen the basest companions
                        <milestone n="D" unit="unspec"/> mounted unto hie degree, are not without
                     cause to be feared. So <hi rend="italic">Sultan Solyman</hi> made <hi rend="italic">Abraham Bassa</hi> of a slaue so great, by heaping honors upon
                     honours upon him, as that in fine fearing his power, he was glad to cause his
                     throat to be cut as hee was sleeping, and afterwards found him be worth thirtie
                     millions of gold. But this is more to bee feared in a little kingdome or
                     estate, than in a great: for that the subiects coupt up as it were all in one
                     place, are the more easily kept under by the power of the stronger. So when <hi rend="italic">Iames Appian</hi> prince of Sienna, too much favouring <hi rend="italic">Peter Gambecourt,</hi> a man of base degree, had made him too
                     great in honour and wealth, he was by him (before he was aware) thrust out of
                     his estate. The like pranke <hi rend="italic">Calippus</hi> serued <hi rend="italic">Dion; Brutus, Caesar; Macrin, Caracalla; Maximinus,</hi> the
                     emperour <hi rend="italic">Alexander; Philip,</hi> the yong <hi rend="italic">Gordianus:</hi>

                     <milestone n="E" unit="unspec"/> and an infinit number of others, who exalted
                     from most base degree, have driuen out their maisters by whome they grew, and
                     so made themselves lords. Who would have thought that <hi rend="italic">Agathocles</hi> a Potters sonne, of a common souldior chosen a Generall,
                     durst have slaine all the nobilitie and richer sort of the citisens of
                     Syracusa, &amp; made himselfe a king? Now if such a base companion as he durst
                     doe so much, how much more warily is it then to be foreseene, that too great a
                     commaund or power bee not giuen unto princes or great men, either at home, or
                     in seruice abroad? And this is it for which many have holden, that by law the
                     poynts reserued unto the maiestie of a soueraigne prince, are neuer to bee
                     communicated unto a subiect, no not so much as <pb n="746" facs="381"/> by
                     commission, to the intent that no gap by any way be opened for the subiect to
                     enter <milestone n="F" unit="unspec"/> by into the soueraigne estate of his
                     prince.</p><p>We have said also, that a Monarchy ought to descend unto the heires male,
                        considering<note place="marg" anchored="true">That a Monarchy, in the opinion of the author
                        ought to descend onely unto the heires male.</note> that the rule and
                     government of women, is directly against the law of nature, which hath giuen
                     unto men wisedome, strength, courage, and power▪ to commaund; and taken the
                     same from women. Yea the <note n="*" place="marg" anchored="true"><hi rend="italic">Genes.</hi> 3.</note> law of God hath expresly ordained,
                     That the woman should be subiect unto the man, and that not onely in the
                     government of kingdomes and empires, but also in every particular mans house
                     &amp; familie: he <note n="*" place="marg" anchored="true"><hi rend="italic">Esay.</hi> 8.</note> threatning of his enemies, To giue
                     them women to be mistresses over them; as of all miseries and calamities the
                     worst. Yea and the law it selfe forbiddeth women all charges and offices proper
                     unto men; as to iudge, to sue, and other such like things: and that not
                        <milestone n="G" unit="unspec"/> onely for lacke of wisedome (as saith <hi rend="italic">Martian,</hi> when as amongst all the goddesses onely <hi rend="italic">Pallas</hi> had no mother, but was borne of <hi rend="italic">Iupiters</hi> braine, to shew that wisdom proceeded not from women) but
                     also for that mens actions are contrarie unto their sexe, and to feminine
                     modestie and chastitie. Neither was there any thing which more incensed the
                     Senat of Rome, against the emperour <hi rend="italic">Heliogabalus,</hi> than
                     to see his mother to come into the Senat, though she came but only to see,
                     &amp; not to say any thing. Which was also thought a right strange thing to our
                     auncestors, that <hi rend="italic">Maud,</hi> grandmother to<note place="marg" anchored="true">This French opi nion is by the examples of many worthy women, and
                        experience of their most happy governments so fully refelled, as that there
                        needeth no further reasons to be vsed, to proue the contrary.</note>

                     <hi rend="italic">Philip</hi> the Long, should be assistant unto <hi rend="italic">Robert</hi> Contie of Artoise, and <hi rend="italic">Margret</hi> Countie of Flanders, at the iudgement of the Countie of
                     Clairmont. Now if it be an absurd and rediculous thing, for women to busie
                     themselves in mens publike actions and <milestone n="H" unit="unspec"/>
                     affaires, belonging properly unto men: much more vnseemely is it, those things
                     which belong unto soueraigntie, to lie open unto womens pleasure. For first the
                     woman unto whome the soueraigntie is deuolued, of these two things must doe
                     one; either shee must marrie, or else continue vnmarried, and so her selfe
                     rule. If shee shall marrie, yet is it stil a Gynecocratie, or womans
                     government; for that the marriage is made with that condition, That the
                     soueraigntie is still with the woman, and not with the husband: as was expresly
                     excepted at such time as <hi rend="italic">Isabella</hi> queene of Castile
                     marde <hi rend="italic">Ferdinand</hi> king of Arrogon: and in our time,
                     betwixt <hi rend="italic">Mary</hi> queene of England, and <hi rend="italic">Philip</hi> prince of Spaine, whome they called the queenes husband. And in
                     like case in the matrimoniall contracts betwixt <hi rend="italic">Sigismund</hi> archduke of Austria (who was afterward emperour) and
                        <milestone n="I" unit="unspec"/>

                     <hi rend="italic">Mary</hi> queene of Hungarie, whome the subiects in scorne
                     called <hi rend="italic">King Marie.</hi> In which case the husband is chiefe
                     of his familie, and maister of his domesticall houshold; and yet for all that
                     in publike affaires remaineth subiect unto his wife. For why, the publike power
                     (as saith the law) is neuer bound unto the domesticall power. And for this
                     cause the Consull <hi rend="italic">Fabius</hi> caused his father (the great
                        <hi rend="italic">Fabius</hi>) to alight from his horse to doe him honour,
                     as to the Consull in publike: who yet for all that by vertue of his fatherly
                     power, might without giuing cause or reason why, have put him to death at home
                     in his owne house. But if the queene shall remaine vnmarried (which is the most
                     true womans<note place="marg" anchored="true">All these dangers with many mo incident vnto
                        womens soueraigntie, are and have bene right well auoided and preuented, by
                        the wisedom of worthy women, who with no lesse discretion▪ than many men,
                        have maintained the maiestie of their soueraigntie, with the reputation of
                        their sexe.</note> soueraigntie) the Commonweale must needs so be in great
                     daunger: For that the people being of a great and couragious spirit, will deeme
                     a womans government <milestone n="K" unit="unspec"/> but ignominious, and not
                     long to be endured; some both by their speaking &amp; writing, scoffing and
                     deriding their sexe, othersome their womanly wantonnesse, and others their
                     womannish intollerablenesse: whereas nothing is more daungerous unto an estate,
                     than to have them which beare the soueraigntie contemned and derided of their
                     subiects, of the maintenance of whose maiestie, dependeth the preseruation both
                     of the lawes, and of the estate, which should bee troden under foot for the
                     womans sake, against whome there shall neuer want mockings, reproaches,
                     slaunderous libels, and so in fine rebellions &amp; civill war, especially if
                     she (impatient of such vnworthy reproach) <pb n="747" facs="381"/> shall seeke
                     to bee thereof revenged, which can hardly without civill tumult bee
                        done.<milestone n="A" unit="unspec"/> But if she shall chance to beare but
                     the least extraordinarie fauor to any one of her subiects, beside the enuie
                     which he is to endure, to whome such favour is showne, men will still on her
                     part misconster the same. For if the wisest, and most chast have euen in that
                     respect had much adoe to keepe themselves from false reports, much lesse can a
                     soueraigne princesse cover her favours; no more than can a light firebrand set
                     upon an high watch tower: which may serue for cause enough to kindle the fire
                     of iealousie among the subiects, and to arme them one of them against another▪
                     Besides that, it is almost naturall unto women, to take pleasure &amp; delight
                     in the number and quarrels of their suters. But if the subiects be so minded,
                     as by force or otherwise to suffer in the soueraigne estate a womans
                     government, then is it not to be doubted, but that euerie one of the <milestone n="B" unit="unspec"/> subiects shall be constrained to endure the like in
                     their owne priuat houses also. For it<note place="marg" anchored="true">What▪ so is good in
                        publike, is alwayes good in particular.</note> is a rule in policie, that
                     whatsoeuer thing is found good, and sufferable in publike, the same is to be
                     drawne into consequence and example in particular. Which was the cause the
                     Persian princes preferred a request unto <hi rend="italic">Darius Memnon</hi>
                     (whome the holy Scripture calleth <hi rend="italic">Assuerus</hi>) That the
                     disobedience of the queene <hi rend="italic">Vasthi</hi> his wife, should not
                     remaine vnpunished, least her pride should giue occasion unto the other
                     subiects wiues to he disobedient unto their husbands. For as the familie is out
                     of order, where the woman commaundeth over the husband, considering that the
                     head of the familie hath lost his dignitie to become a slaue: euen so a
                     Commonweale (to speake properly) looseth the name, where a woman holdeth the
                     soueraigntie, how wise soeuer shee <milestone n="C" unit="unspec"/>

                     <note place="marg" anchored="true">The euill examples of some few ought not to bee preiudiciall
                        unto others that be good.</note> be; but so much the more if she be vniust
                     withall, and not able to rule her owne immoderat lusts and desires. I suppose
                     there is none which knoweth not what tragedies <hi rend="italic">Ione</hi>
                     queene of Naples (who of her vnchastitie was called <hi rend="italic">Lupa,</hi> or a shee wolfe) stirred up of her selfe, who most cruelly
                     murthered three kings her husbands, and was therefore her selfe also strangled,
                     as she well deserued. I speake not of the horrible and brutish lusts of <hi rend="italic">Semyramis,</hi> the first that by a straunge meanes set foot
                     into the Assyrian Monarchy. For hauing obtained of the king, to have the
                     soueraigne commaund but for one day, she the same day commaunded the king
                     himselfe to be slaine. What should I say of <hi rend="italic">Athalia</hi>
                     queene of Iuda, who seeing her husband slaine, put to death all the princes
                        <milestone n="D" unit="unspec"/> of the blood (excepting one which escaped)
                     and so by force held the soueraigntie, vntil that she was at last by the people
                     her selfe also murthered. With like wickednesse also <hi rend="italic">Cleopatra</hi> flue her brother, that so she might alone enioy the kingdom
                     of Aegypt. There was also one <hi rend="italic">Zenobia,</hi> who stiled her
                     selfe an empresse (together with the thirtie▪ vsurping tyrants) and was by the
                     emperour <hi rend="italic">Aurelian</hi> ouercome. And in like case did <hi rend="italic">Hirene</hi> empresse of Constantinople, coupt up at last into
                     a monasterie her selfe. In briefe I find no people to have liked of the
                     soueraigntie of womans government: howbeit that many have endured the same: as
                     did the Neapolitans the government of <hi rend="italic">Constance,</hi> last of
                     the race of the Norman kings, that raigned in Naples. And after that of <hi rend="italic">Ioland</hi> the daughter of <hi rend="italic">Iohn
                        Brenne,</hi> married to the emperor <hi rend="italic">Frederike</hi> the
                     second, who <milestone n="E" unit="unspec"/> gaue that kingdome to <hi rend="italic">Manfred</hi> his base sonne, whose daughter <hi rend="italic">Constance</hi> marrying into the house of Aragon, kindled the fire of the
                     warres which continued two hundred yeares, betwixt the houses of Aniou and
                     Aragon; and could neuer bee quenched but with the great effusion of the blood
                     of many most valiant and worthy men; and all for hauing▪ giuen an entrance vnto
                     a daughter into the succession of the kingdome of Naples. But when the colledge
                     of cardinals saw the Christian Commonweale, and especially Italie, to haue
                     endured so many and so great slaughters, in so long and such mortall warres,
                     and all for distaffe soueraigntie; it was by them decreed, That from that time
                     forward, the kingdome of Naples should no more descend unto women; <pb n="748" facs="382"/> as in the inuestitute made to <hi rend="italic">Alphonsus</hi>
                     king of Arragon, in the yeare 1455, and <milestone n="F" unit="unspec"/>
                     afterward to <hi rend="italic">Ferdinand</hi> king of Arragon, in the yeare
                     1458, it is expresly set downe, That the daughters should not succeed unto the
                     kingdome of Naples, so long as there were any heires male, either in the direct
                     or collaterall line, euen unto the fift degree. But that gap for the succession
                     of daughters being opened in Italie, was afterwards also put in practise in the
                     kingdomes of Hungarie, and of Polonia, which fell to <hi rend="italic">Marie</hi> and<note place="marg" anchored="true">The kingdoms of Hungarie, Polonia, Sweden,
                        Norway, &amp; Denmarke, Castile, Arragon, Nauatie, and England, to haue
                        fallen into Gynecocraty, or womens soueraigntie.</note>

                     <hi rend="italic">Hedwige,</hi> the daughters and heires of <hi rend="italic">Lewes</hi> king of Hungarie, and of Polonia; which had neuer before bene
                     seene. At which selfe same time almost, <hi rend="italic">Mary Volmar</hi>
                     (contrary unto the lawes and auntient customes of the countries) succeeded into
                     the kingdomes of Norway, Sweden, and Denmarke. The like example was after also
                     followed in the kingdome of Castile, whereinto <hi rend="italic">Isabel</hi> of
                     Castile succeeded her father, hauing gained <milestone n="G" unit="unspec"/>
                     the favour of the nobilitie: who albeit that shee was one of the wisest
                     princesses that euer were, yet did the estates of the countrey thereof
                     complaine, and the people thereat grudge, complayning themselves, Neuer before
                     to have endured a womans government. And whereas she alleaged <hi rend="italic">Socina</hi> the daughter of <hi rend="italic">Alphonsus,</hi> to haue
                     before in like manner brought the kingdome of Castile unto <hi rend="italic">Sillon</hi> her husband: aunswere was thereunto made by the subiects, That
                     to have bene done rather by force, than by any right; and that from that time
                     the estates of Castile had protested, That it was contrary unto the lawes of
                     the country. Which hasted the marriage betwixt <hi rend="italic">Ferdinand</hi>
                     and the said <hi rend="italic">Isabella,</hi> so to keepe the people vnder. And
                     albeit that <hi rend="italic">Henry</hi> king of Castile, had by his last will
                     and testament at the time of his death declared, That the kingdome of
                        <milestone n="H" unit="unspec"/> Castile after him belonged unto <hi rend="italic">Lewes</hi> the ninth the French king▪ in the right of his
                     mother <hi rend="italic">Blaunch</hi> of Castile; and that the barons of
                     Castile had writ unto the said French king, that he should come to take
                     possession of the kingdome: yet so it was, that hee neuer durst vndertake to
                     lay claime unto the same, howbeit that he had the consent of the nobilitie of
                     the kingdome by letters under their hands and seales, which are yet to bee
                     seene in the records of Fraunce. Now by the same craft that <hi rend="italic">Isabel</hi> had wrested unto her selfe the kingdome of Castile, did <hi rend="italic">Ferdinand</hi> the sonne of <hi rend="italic">Leonore</hi>
                     also gaine the kingdome of Arragon: as did also after him the earle of
                     Barcelone, hauing married <hi rend="italic">Petronella</hi> the daughter of the
                     king of Arragon. Which happened also in the kingdome of Nauarre, whereunto <hi rend="italic">Henry</hi> the Large, earle of Champaigne succeeded in the
                        <milestone n="I" unit="unspec"/> right of his wife, the king of Nauarres
                     daughter: whose daughter and heire <hi rend="italic">Ioane,</hi> married vnto
                        <hi rend="italic">Philip</hi> the Faire the French king, brought unto him
                     the carledome of Champaigne, with the kingdome of Nauarre: but the heires male
                     of <hi rend="italic">Philip</hi> the Faire failing, that kingdome of Nauarre in
                     the right of three women fell unto the houses of <hi rend="italic">Eureux,</hi>
                     of <hi rend="italic">Foix,</hi> of <hi rend="italic">Albert,</hi> and of <hi rend="italic">Vendosme:</hi> so that this kingdome in lesse than foure
                     hundred yeares, was transported into six strange houses, and unto seuen
                     straunge princes, the queenes husbands. But yet by the way it is worth the
                     noting, foure women all of one name to have opened the way unto womens
                     soueraigntie, in the kingdomes of Hungatie, of Norway, of Sweden, of Denmarke,
                     of England, and Scotland. True it is, that <hi rend="italic">Maud</hi> daughter
                     to <hi rend="italic">Henry</hi> the first, king of England, before brought the
                     kingdome <milestone n="K" unit="unspec"/> of England unto the house of Aniou in
                     Fraunce: but that was after the death of <note n="*" place="marg" anchored="true">But what
                        troubles ensued upon this intrusion of Stephen, and the wrongfull excluding
                        of Maud, the Croni <gap reason="illegible" extent="1+_letters" instant="false"/>les will declare.</note>

                     <hi rend="italic">Stephen</hi> earle of Bolloine nephew o <hi rend="italic">Henry,</hi> in the right of his sister <hi rend="italic">Adela;</hi> in
                     such sort, as that a cosin descended of a daughter was preferred before the
                     kings own daughter: which daughters sonne yet succeeded king <hi rend="italic">Stephen,</hi> in such sort as that no womans government seemed at all to
                     have bene. For which reason <hi rend="italic">Edward</hi> the the third, king
                     of England, upon the difference which he had for the crowne of Fraunce,
                     alleaged the kingdome of Fraunce by the right meaning of the law Salique, to
                     belong unto him: saying, That law to stand in force and take place, when the
                     next heire male descended <pb n="749" facs="382"/> of the daughter (as was he
                     frō <hi rend="italic">Isabel</hi> sister to <hi rend="italic">Charls</hi> the
                     Faire) was preferred before him,<milestone n="A" unit="unspec"/> who was
                     descended of the heirs male farther off. Which exposition for all that was
                     reiected by the councell of France, as neuer to take place, but when heirs male
                     of the same name and stocke, in what line and degree soeuer it were vtterly
                     failed: &amp; that the kingdome were in daunger to fall into election. And so
                     albeit that the emperour <hi rend="italic">Charles</hi> the fift marrying of
                     his sister unto <hi rend="italic">Christiern</hi> king of Denmarke, and caused
                     this clause to be inserted into the matrimoniall contracts: That the males
                     fayling, the eldest daughter issuing of that marriage, should succeed unto the
                     kingdome: yet so it was neuerthelesse, that the estates of that countrey had
                     thereof no regard, for that the kingdome went by election: yea so farre off was
                     it, that such the kings priuat agreement could take from the nobilitie of
                     Denmarke, the power to chuse their kings: or yet neuer any one of the
                        <milestone n="B" unit="unspec"/> same kings three daughters to raigne ouer
                     them: as that the said king himselfe was by the estates thrust out of his
                     kingdome banished, and so afterwards also miserably died in prison. The
                     Polonians also after the death of <hi rend="italic">Sigismundus Augustus,</hi>
                     excluded not only the kings sister, but euen his nephew the king of Sweden his
                     sonne also, who gaue a million of gold unto the Commonweale, to have his sonne
                     afterward chosen: how beit that their predecessours had before receiued <hi rend="italic">Hedwig</hi> the daughter of <hi rend="italic">Lewes:</hi> and
                     that when as there was no heire male, neither in the direct nor collaterall
                     line of the house of <hi rend="italic">Iagellon,</hi> they neuerthelesse made
                     choyce of <hi rend="italic">Henrie</hi> of Fraunce.</p><p>Now if the princesse the inheritrix shall marrie (which is necessarie, so to
                     have an <milestone n="C" unit="unspec"/>

                     <note place="marg" anchored="true">The inconueniences by the author supposed to ensue of a
                        Gynecocratie, or womens soueraigntie.</note> assured successour) her husband
                     must either be a straunger, or a subiect: if a straunger, hee will instruct the
                     people in straunge lawes, in straunge religion, in straunge manners and
                     fashions: yea and giue the honourable places and commaunds unto straungers
                     also. But as for a subiect, the princesse would thinke her selfe much
                     dishonoured, to marrie her seruant, seeing that soueraigne princes still make
                     great difficultie to marrie a subiect. Ioyne hereunto also the iealousie that
                     is to be feared, if shee shall marrie him whome she best loueth, reiecting the
                     more noble and greater lords, who alwaies contemne them which are of base
                     degree.</p><p>And not to speake of many difficulties which fell out about these matters, euen
                     the verie same, yea and greater too, presented themselves at the treatie of the
                     marriage <milestone n="D" unit="unspec"/> agreed upon betwixt <hi rend="italic">Philip</hi> prince of Castile, and <hi rend="italic">Mary</hi> queene of
                     England: wherein the first article contained, That no straunger being not a
                     naturall English man borne, should bee preferred to any office, benefice, or
                     charge whatsoeuer. And in the fourth article it was set downe, That <hi rend="italic">Philip</hi> prince of Castile should not carrie the queene his
                     wife against her will out of the realme of England, neither the children begot
                     betwixt them two: the which articles were confirmed by the estates of the land,
                     the second of Aprill, in the yeare one thousand five hundred fiftie three,
                     where beside that which I have said, it was also more solemnly prouided, That
                     the queene alone and of her selfe should enioy all the royalties, and
                     soueraigne rights of the said realms, lands, countries, and subiects,
                     absolutely; without that her husband should by the courtesie of England
                        <milestone n="E" unit="unspec"/> pretend any thing unto the crowne and
                     soueraigntie of the realme, or other right whatsoeuer: and that the letters and
                     mandates should be of none effect, if they were not signed by the queene,
                     whatsoeuer signe or consent they had of her husband: and yet without which the
                     consent of the queene should suffice. I have also learned by the letters of <hi rend="italic">Nouaile</hi> ambassadour of Fraunce, who then was in England,
                     that it was also decreed, That no Spaniard should have the keeping of any
                     fortresses or strong holds belonging unto the Crowne of England, either on this
                     side, or beyond the sea: neither that the Englishmen should by the Spaniards be
                     constrained to goe unto the wars out of the realme.</p><p><pb n="750" facs="383"/>And albeit that a most gallant &amp; mightie prince
                     flourishing with kingdoms, wealth,<milestone n="F" unit="unspec"/> youth, and
                     friends, had married an old woman (for why, he seemed not to have married a
                     wife) and such an one as by whome he was not to hope for any issue, yet could
                     not the Englishmen patiently endure the Spaniards to set any foot into England,
                     with whome for all that they had neuer before had any hostilitie, but had
                     alwayes bene great friends. Yea the emperour <hi rend="italic">Charles</hi> the
                     fift on the other side wisely foreseeing all things, and fearing least some
                     treason might be wrought against the prince his onely sonne, whome alone he had
                     begot unto the hope of so great an empire, required to have fiftie young noble
                     English gentlemen delivered unto him to be kept as hostages, so long as his
                     sonne <hi rend="italic">Philip</hi> was in England: howbeit that as such
                     distrust drew after it the hatred of the English nation, so was also that
                     article taken away, and nothing thereof obtained.<milestone n="G" unit="unspec"/> But the marriage made, shortly after aboue 18 hundred English men, for
                     religions sake went out of their countrey, into voluntarie exile and
                     banishment. And yet beside all this, the fame was, how that the English men had
                     conspired at one and the very selfe same instant, to have slaine all the
                     Spaniards: for that (as the report went) they under the colour of a marriage,
                     and of religion, went about to aspire unto the soueraigntie of England. Neither
                     was it to have bene doubted, but that the conspiracie of the English men had
                     sorted to effect, or els that the Spaniards had effected their designes, and so
                     taken unto themselves the soueraigntie, had not the death of the queene (very
                     profitable for the kingdome) giuen an end unto the designes both of the one and
                     of the others.<milestone n="H" unit="unspec"/>

                  </p><p>For neuer strange prince can be assured of his life, commaunding in a strange
                        countrey,<note place="marg" anchored="true">The gre<gap reason="illegible" extent="1+_letters" instant="false"/>e daungers
                        strange prin ces commanding in a straunge countrey, are still exposed
                        vnto.</note> if he have not strong guards, for the assurance of his person,
                     and sure garrisons for the keeping of his castles and strong holds. For being
                     maister of the forts, hee must needs be also maister of the estate: for the
                     more assurance whereof hee must alwayes aduance straungers; a thing
                     intollerable to every nation in the world. Whereof wee have a million of
                     examples, out of which we will remember but one of our own: what time king <hi rend="italic">William</hi> raigned in Sicilie, in the yeare 1168, the people
                     of the kingdome of Naples were so incensed to see a French man promoted to the
                     honour of the Chauncellourship amongst them, as that they conspired at once to
                     kill all the Frenchmen that then were in the kingdomes of Naples and Sicilie,
                     as indeed they did. But if the domesticall <milestone n="I" unit="unspec"/>
                     seruant of a straunge prince, shall chaunce to kill a naturall subiect in a
                        strange<note place="marg" anchored="true">Small occasions serue to stirre up the natural
                        people of any countrey against strangers dwelling amongst them.</note>
                     countrey, or passe himselfe in any insolence, dannger by and by hangeth ouer
                     all the straungers heads, the least quarrell that may be seruing to cut the
                     strangers throats, if they be not all the stronger. As it happened in Polonia
                     during the raigne of the daughter of <hi rend="italic">Cazimire</hi> the Great,
                     king of Polonia, and wife to <hi rend="italic">Lewes</hi> king of Hungarie,
                     chosen also king of Polonia, to the great contentment of all the estates of
                     that realme: and yet neuerthelesse for one Polonian slaine by an Hungarian
                     gentleman, all the people of Cracouia ranne upon the Hungarians, and in that
                     hurle slue them all, except such as by chaunce saued themselves in the castle,
                     who yet were there besieged together with the queene: neither was there any
                     meanes to appease the peoples rage, but that the <milestone n="K" unit="unspec"/> queene the inheritrixe and mistresse of Polonia, must with all the
                     Hungarians her followers void the realme. But yet greater butcherie was there
                     made of them of Austria, in Hungarie, when <hi rend="italic">Mary</hi> the
                     eldest daughter of <hi rend="italic">Lewes</hi> king of Hungarie, had married
                        <hi rend="italic">Sigismund</hi> archduke of Austria, who going about to
                     take upon him the government, was by his wiues mother (a most ambitious woman)
                     driuen out of the kingdom: who not able to endure to see him raigne▪, to be
                     sure to shut him quite out, was about by her ambassadours to have called in <hi rend="italic">Charles</hi> the French king, and so to have put the kingdome
                     into the power of the French. Which the Hungarians perceiuing, sent for <pb n="751" facs="383"/>

                     <hi rend="italic">Charles</hi> the king of Naples, and vncle to <hi rend="italic">Mary, Sigismund</hi> his wife, to take uppon him <milestone n="A" unit="unspec"/> the government of the kingdome of Hungarie: who was no
                     sooner come, but that he was by the practise and commaund of the cruell queene
                     Mother (whome hee least feared) slaine: which murder was with like crueltie
                     also revenged, shee her selfe being by like treason by the gouernour of Croatia
                     slaine, and her bodie throwne into the riuer. After whose death <hi rend="italic">Sigismund</hi> returning with a strong armie, put himselfe in
                     full possession of the kingdome, wherof he now disposed at his pleasure, and
                     filled all places with the slaughter of them which were of the faction against
                     him. But let vs come to our owne domesticall examples, and unto those wounds
                     which but lately receeiued, bleed with the least touching, neither can but with
                     most bitter griefe be felt. <hi rend="italic">Frances</hi> duke of Alanson
                     being sent for, came to take upon him the government of the Low
                        countries,<milestone n="B" unit="unspec"/> where he was with great ioy and
                     triumph receiued: but hauing no strong garrisons, no strong castles, nor cities
                     to trust vnto, neither could by my intreatie (who foresaw what would afterwards
                     happen) be persuaded so to haue; receiued such a slaughter and disgrace, as I
                     cannot without much griefe remember the same. And to go farther, we haue
                     examples of the Scots yet fresh in memorie, who for the space of seuen hundred
                     yeares, had with the straitest alliance that might be, bene allied unto the
                     house of Fraunce, and from thence receiued all the fauors that it was possible
                     for them to hope for: yet when <hi rend="italic">Mary</hi> queene of Scots had
                     married <hi rend="italic">Frances</hi> the Dalphin of France, and that the
                     Frenchmen went about to dominier over the Scots, they forthwith chose rather
                        <milestone n="C" unit="unspec"/> to cast themselves into the lap of the
                     English, and so to put themselves into the protection of them with whome they
                     had not before so well agreed, than to endure to see the Frenchmen to commaund
                     in their countrey: neither ceased they vntill that by the helpe and power of
                     the English, they had driuen the Frenchmen againe quite out of Scotland.
                     Neither are strange princes to hope, by reason to rule the desires of
                     soueraigne princesses their wiues: from whom if they will seeke to be diuorsed,
                     they must also banish themselves. For what prince euer bare himselfe more
                     modestly, than did the wise emperour <hi rend="italic">Marcus Aurelius?</hi>
                     And yet when he with too much patience bare with the wantonnesse of his wife
                        <hi rend="italic">Faustine</hi> (as some of his friends thought) who for her
                     too dissolute life ▪would have persuaded him to have bene diuorced from her;
                     Then must <milestone n="D" unit="unspec"/> we (said he) againe unto her restore
                     her dowrie: which was euen the Roman empire, howbeit that he had the empire in
                     the right of himselfe also, by the adoption of <hi rend="italic">Antoninus
                        Pius</hi> the father of <hi rend="italic">Faustine.</hi>

                  </p><p>And yet there is another daunger also, if the princesse heire unto a soueraigne
                        estate<note place="marg" anchored="true">Neighbor princes iealous of the marriage o<gap reason="illegible" extent="1+_letters" instant="false"/> a soueraign princesse their neighbour.</note> be
                     disposed to marry a straunger; which is, that the neighbour princes and people
                     also, as wooers, enter into diuers iealous conceits one of them against
                     another: &amp; so striuing for another bodies kingdome, oftentimes turne the
                     queene from marrying at all. Yea sometimes also seeking euen by force of armes
                     to have her: as did the wooers of <hi rend="italic">Venda</hi> queene of
                     Russia, who hauing long <gap reason="illegible" extent="1+_letters" instant="false"/>ought who should have her,
                     the victor thought at last by force to have obtained that which he by long sute
                     and entreatie could not gaine:<milestone n="E" unit="unspec"/> howbeit that she
                     seeing no other remedie, but to fall into his hands, for despight drowned her
                     selfe, chusing rather to loose her life, than by force to loose her chastitie.
                     Neither are queenes marriages so easily made as are kings: for why, kings are
                     oftentimes deceiued with painted tables, and counterfeits, marrying them by
                     their deputies whom they neuer saw: whereas queenes will most commonly see the
                     men themselves alive, talke with them, and make good proofe of them: yea and
                     oftentimes refuse them also<note place="marg" anchored="true">Women commonly more curious in
                        choice of their husbands, than are men in choyce of their wiues.</note>
                     after that they have seene them. For neither would <hi rend="italic">Isabel</hi> queene of Castile, marrie <hi rend="italic">Ferdinand</hi>
                     before she had seene him: neither could <hi rend="italic">Elisabeth</hi> queene
                     of England be by any man persuaded to promise marriage unto any man, but vnto
                     himselfe present. And <pb n="752" facs="384"/> so it was aunswered unto <hi rend="italic">Henry</hi> king of Sweden, seeking the long ambassage of <hi rend="italic">Iohn</hi> his <milestone n="F" unit="unspec"/> brother, who
                     now raigneth, to have married her: aunswer (I say) was made, That of al the
                     princes in the world, there was none unto whome (next unto almightie God) shee
                     was more in kindnesse beholden, than unto the king of Sweden, for that hee
                     alone had requested to have had her for his wife, whilest she was yet a
                     prisoner, and so out of prison to have brought her unto a kingdome:
                     neuerthelesse to have so resolued and set downe with her selfe, neuer to marry
                     any man whom she had not before seene. Which aunswere made also unto the
                     archduke of Austria, suing unto her for marriage, in part brake off the hope
                     which both of them had conceiued of marriage, both of them fearing in presence
                     to suffer the disgrace of a deniall; and especially he, least he should be
                     enforced with shame to returne home. As afterwards it happened unto <hi rend="italic">Francis</hi> duke <milestone n="G" unit="unspec"/> of Alanson,
                     seeking to have aspired unto the same marriage, who although hee had twice
                     passed over into England, and thought the queene by long and honourable
                     ambassages, as it were affianced unto him, yet returned hee, fed up but with a
                     vaine hope, and the matter left vndone.</p><p>Now if the law of nature be violated in the soueraigne government of women, yet
                     much more is the civill law, and the law of nations thereby broken, which will
                     that the wife follow her husband, albeit that he have neither fire, nor
                     dwelling place. Wherein all the lawyers and diuines in one agree; and that she
                     ought to reuerence her husband: as also that the fruits of the wiues dowrie,
                     yea euen of all the wiues goods, belong unto her husband; not onely such as
                     arise of the lands themselves, but euen such as fall unto <milestone n="H" unit="unspec"/> her by escheat, or confiscation of the goods of the
                     condemned; howbeit that such goods be a thousand times better, or more worthy,
                     than the wiues fee brought in dowrie unto her husband: yet neuerthelesse do all
                     such things in proprietie belong unto the husband, what lordship soeuer that it
                     be, which is so fallen by escheat or confiscation: as also all fruits of
                     dowrie▪ and the rights of patronage depending of the wiues dowrie: which we see
                     to have bene used not of priuat men onely, but euen of kings also: as if a
                     straunger shall marrie a queene, the profits of the kingdome shall belong vnto
                     the husband, although the soueraigntie, and kingdome it selfe belong still vnto
                     the wife. For so the interpretors of the law decide it, and that by the example
                     of <hi rend="italic">Isabella</hi> and <hi rend="italic">Socina.</hi> Moreouer
                     it is holden in law, That the wiues vassall ought to succour the husband before
                        <milestone n="I" unit="unspec"/> the wife, in case they be both of them in
                     like daunger: all which is directly contrarie to such conditions, and lawes, as
                     princes straungers are enforced to receiue from their wiues, being princesses
                     inheritors. Besides that, honor, dignitie, &amp; nobilitie, dependeth wholly of
                     men, and so of the husband, and not of the wife: which is so true by the
                     receiued customes and laws of all people: as that noble women which marrie base
                     husbands in so doing loose their former nobilitie: neither can their children
                     chalenge unto themselves any nobilitie by the mothers side: which <hi rend="italic">Ancaran</hi> the lawyer saith to take place euen in queenes
                     which marrie base men, no princes: of which opinion the rest of the lawyers are
                     also.</p><p>All these absurdities and inconueniences follow womens soueraigntie in
                        government,<milestone n="K" unit="unspec"/>

                     <note place="marg" anchored="true">The beginning of womens soueraigntie.</note> which thereof
                     tooke beginning: for that they which had no male children, had rather their
                     daughters should succeed in their lands and fee, than such as were not of their
                     stocke and house, and especially the heires male failing, both in the direct
                     &amp; collaterall line: after which point so by them gained, they began to
                     succeed also unto lands and fees in the right line, and were preferred before
                     the males in the collateral line: which manner of inheriting was by little and
                     little permitted to be vnderstnod, and extended also unto Honours, Dignities,
                     Counties, Marquisats, Dutchies, Principalities, yea and at last euen vnto
                     Kingdomes. Howbeit that by the lawes of Fees, women <pb n="753" facs="384"/>
                     were excluded from all succession in fee, although there were no heires male
                     either in <milestone n="A" unit="unspec"/> the direct or collaterall line,
                     except it were so expresly set downe in the inuestiture of the fee. But the law
                     Salique cutteth the matter short, and expresly forbiddeth, That the woman
                     should by any meanes succeed into any fee, of what nature or condition soeuer
                     it were: which is no late, new, or fained law, as many suppose, but written and
                     enrolled in the most auntient lawes of the Saliens, the words of which law are
                     these, <hi rend="italic">De terra vero Salica nullo portio haereditatis mulieri
                        veniat: sed ad virilem sexum tota terrae haereditas perueniat:</hi> In
                     English thus▪ But of the land Salique no portion of the inheritance shall come
                     unto a woman: but all the inheritance of that land shall come unto the male
                     sexe. And so also in the edict or decree of <hi rend="italic">Childebert</hi>
                     king of Fraunce, is euen the very same comprehended which is in the lawes
                     Salique, where the nephewes being in direct <milestone n="B" unit="unspec"/>
                     line, by way of <note n="*" place="marg" anchored="true">Representation is▪ when diuers
                        children together represent their dead fathers person, and so in his right,
                        together with their vncles succeed into their grandfathers
                        inheritance</note> representation together called unto the succession of
                     their grandfather, the women are still excluded. And yet if there had bene no
                     law Salique, at such time as contention was for the kingdome of Fraunce,
                     betwixt <hi rend="italic">Philip</hi> earle of Valois, and king <hi rend="italic">Edward</hi> of England: <hi rend="italic">Philip</hi>
                     alleaging for himselfe the law Salique, according to the law Voconia; and <hi rend="italic">Edward</hi> defending his cause and right by the antient Roman
                     lawes, concerning inheritance: a decree was made by the generall consent of all
                     the Senators and princes of Fraunce, <hi rend="italic">Ne quis in ea
                        disceptatione peregrinarum legum auctoritate vteretur: sed legem quisque
                        Salicam pro suo iure interpretari studeret, viz.</hi> That<note place="marg" anchored="true">Poore French shifts, for the auouching and proofe of the Salique
                        law.</note> no man in that controuersie should vse the authoritie of
                     forraine lawes; but that every man according to his right should interpret the
                     law Salique. And why so if there had <milestone n="C" unit="unspec"/> bene no
                     Salique law at all? And howbeit that after the death of <hi rend="italic">Lewes
                        Hutin</hi> the king of Fraunce, the duke of Burgundie called <hi rend="italic">Iane</hi> the daughter of <hi rend="italic">Hutin,</hi> vnto
                     the succession of her fathers crowne and kingdome: yet was it by the generall
                     consent of all the estates assembled in parliament at Paris, resolued to the
                     contrarie, As that daughters should not succeed unto the crowne: &amp; so the
                     opinion of the duke was reiected. About which time, or a little before, <hi rend="italic">Baldus</hi> called the law Salique, or the custome for the
                     males onely to succeed unto the crowne, <hi rend="italic">Ius gentium Gallo<gap reason="illegible" extent="1+_letters" instant="false"/>,</hi> The law of the French nation. Neither is it
                     long agoe, since that in a suit in the parliament of Burdeaux, betwixt certaine
                     gentlemen about the right of their gentrie; a will was brought out, written in
                        <milestone n="D" unit="unspec"/> most auntient letters, wherein the testator
                     divided unto his sonnes his Salique land; which the judges interpreted to be
                     his prediall fees, or reuenewes in land. Which was alwayes in Germanie obserued
                     also, vntill that the emperour <hi rend="italic">Frederike</hi> the second gaue
                     this priuilege as a singular benefit unto the house of Austria, That the line
                     of the males failing, the daughters or females might succeed. Which thing the
                     emperour could not doe, without the expresse will and consent of the estates of
                     the empire. For which cause <hi rend="italic">Othocarus</hi> king of Bohemia,
                     being also of the house of Austria, without regard of <hi rend="italic">Frederikes</hi> graunt, by right of kindred claimed the dukedome of
                     Austria, and leuied a strong army against <hi rend="italic">Rodolph,</hi> who
                     by vertue of <hi rend="italic">Frederikes</hi> graunt, claimed the dukedome as
                     belonging unto himselfe. Which priuilege for women so to succeed, was
                     afterwards extended unto the princes of the house of Bauiere also. Yet was
                     there neuer <milestone n="E" unit="unspec"/> people so effeminat, or cowardly,
                     as under the colour of succession in fee, to endure that women should step into
                     the soueraigntie: and yet lesse in Asia, and in Affrike, than in Europe.
                     Howbeit that with whatsoeuer madnesse other princes and people have bene
                     astonied, which have endured womens soueraigntie, yet have the Frenchmen (God
                     be thanked) by the benefit of the law Salique, alwayes hitherto preserued
                     themselves from this disgrace. For why, this Salique law which <hi rend="italic">M. Cirier</hi> Councellour of the parliament, said to haue
                     bene made with a great quantitie of the salt of wisdome, was not onely alleaged
                     and put in practise, in the raigne of <hi rend="italic">Philip Valois,</hi> and
                     of <hi rend="italic">Charls</hi>

                     <pb n="754" facs="385"/> the Faire, against whome the daughters pretended no
                     claime unto the kingdome: but <milestone n="F" unit="unspec"/> also in the time
                     of <hi rend="italic">Clotha<gap reason="illegible" extent="1+_letters" instant="false"/>re, Sigebert,</hi> and <hi rend="italic">Childebert,</hi> who were all preferred before the kings their
                     predecessours daughters, who neuer laid claime unto the crowne. And that is it
                     for which <hi rend="italic">Baldus</hi> the notable lawyer, speaking of the
                     house of Burbon, holdeth, That the male of the <gap reason="illegible" extent="1+_letters" instant="false"/>ame
                     blood and name, beeing a thousand degrees off, should sooner succeed unto the
                     crowne and kingdome of Fraunce, than any woman much neerer. Which is not onely
                     to take place in kingdomes, but euen in dukedoms and other principalities also,
                     which have the marks and rights of soueraigntie belonging unto them. Which
                     lawes also we see all people, excepting some few, to have alwayes before
                     embraced. And so the princes of Sauoy, by the authoritie of this Salique law,
                     have alwayes excluded the women from the government: for so wee read <hi rend="italic">Constance</hi>

                     <milestone n="G" unit="unspec"/> the daughter of the duke of Sauoy, to have by
                        <hi rend="italic">Peter</hi> of Sauoy her vncle bene excluded from the
                     government: and that euen by the sentence and doome of the judges and
                     arbitrators, chosen for the deciding of the matter in the yeare one thousand
                     two hundred fiftie six. Yet doubt I not but that many are afraid of womens
                     soueraigntie, who yet indeed doubt not to shew themselves most obedient vnto
                     womens lusts. But it is no matter (as old <hi rend="italic">Cato</hi> was woont
                     to say) whether that the soueraigntie it selfe be giuen to women, or that the
                     emperours and kings bee themselves obedient unto womens pleasures and
                     commands.</p><p>Seeing then it appeareth plainely enough (as I suppose) the estate of a
                     Monarchy to be of all other estates most sure; a<gap reason="illegible" extent="1+_letters" instant="false"/>d
                     amongst Monarchies, the Royall Monarchy <milestone n="H" unit="unspec"/> to bee
                     best: as also amongst kings them to excell which bee descended from the race
                     and stocke of kings: and in briefe, that in the royall race the neerest of the
                     blood is still to be preferred before the rest that were farther off: and that
                     the soueraigntie (the female sexe excluded) ought to bee still vndivided. Let
                     vs now also at last see how it<note place="marg" anchored="true">Iustice the foundation of all
                        Commonweales:</note> ought to be gouerned, as whether by iustice
                     Distributiue, Commutatiue, or Harmonicall. For why, the fairest conclusion that
                     can bee made in this worke, is to conclude of iustice, as the foundation of all
                     Commonweales, and of such consequence, as that <hi rend="italic">Plato</hi>
                     himselfe harh entituled his bookes of Commonweals, <hi rend="italic">Bookes of
                        Law, or of Iustice,</hi> howbeit that he speaketh in them rather like a
                     Philosopher, than a Lawgiuer,<milestone n="I" unit="unspec"/> or Lawyer.</p><p>(▪)</p></div></div></div></body></text></TEI>
                </passage>
            </reply>
            </GetPassage>