Unfortunately, a great chasm in the annals of Tacitus, at this period, precludes
all information from that historian respecting the reign of Caligula; but from
what he mentions towards the close of the preceding chapter, it is evident that
Caligula was forward to seize the reins of government upon the death of
Tiberius, whom, though he rivalled him in his vices, he was far from imitating
in his dissimulation. Amongst the people, the remembrance of Germanicus' virtues
cherished for his family an attachment which was probably increased by its
misfortunes; and they were anxious to see revived in the son the popularity of
the father. Considering, however, that Caligula's vicious disposition was
already known, and that it had even been an inducement with Tiberius to procure
his succession, in order that it might prove a foil to his own memory, it is
surprising that no effort was made at this juncture to shake off the despotism
which had been so intolerable in the last reign, and restore the ancient liberty
of the republic. Since the commencement of the imperial dominion, there never
had been any period so favourable for a counter-revolution as the present
crisis. There existed now no Livia to
influence the minds of the senate and people in respect of the government; nor
was there any other person allied to the family of Germanicus, whose countenance
or intrigues could promote the views of Caligula. He himself was now only in the
twenty-fifth year of his age, was totally inexperienced in the administration of
public affairs, had never performed even the smallest service to his country,
and was generally known to be of a character which disgraced his illustrious
descent. Yet, in spite of all these circumstances, such was the destiny of
It is difficult to say, whether weakness of understanding, or corruption of morals, were more conspicuous in the character of Caligula. He seems to have discovered from his earliest years an innate depravity of mind, which was undoubtedly much increased by defect of education. He had lost both his parents at an early period of life; and from Tiberius's own character, as well as his views in training the person who should succeed him on the throne, there is reason to think, that if any attention whatever was paid to the education of Caligula, it was directed to vitiate all his faculties and passions, rather than to correct and improve them. If such was really the object, it was indeed prosecuted with success.
The commencement, however, of his reign was such as by no means prognosticated its subsequent transition. The sudden change of his conduct, the astonishing mixture of imbecility and presumption, of moral turpitude and frantic extravagance, which he afterwards evinced; such as rolling himself over heaps of gold, his treatment of his horse Incitatus, and his design of making him consul, seem to justify a suspicion that his brain had actually been affected, either by the potion, said to have been given him by his wife Caesonia, or otherwise. Philtres, orlopyejotions, as they were called, were frequent in those times, and the people believed that they operated upon the mind by a mysterious and sympathetic power. It is, however, beyond a doubt, that their effects were produced entirely by the action of their physical the satyrion, which, according to Pliny, was a provocative. They were generally given by women to their husbands at bed-time; and it was necessary towards their successful operation, that the parties should sleep together. This circumstance explains the whole mystery. The philtres were nothing more than medicines of a stimulating quality, which, after exciting violent, but temporary effects, enfeebled the constitution, and occaioned nervous disorders, by which the mental faculties, as well as the corporeal, might be injured. That this was really the case with Caligula, seems probable, not only from the falling sickness, to which he was subject, but from the habitual wakefulness of which he complained.
The profusion of this emperor, during his short reign of three years and ten months, is unexampled in history. In the midst of profound peace, without any extraordinary charges either civil or military, he expended, in less than one year, besides the current revenue of the empire, the sum of $108,796,875, which had been left by Tiberius at his death. To supply the extravagance of future years, new and exorbitant taxes were imposed upon the people, and those too on the necessaries of life. There existed now among the Romans every motive that could excite a general indignation against the government; yet such was still the dread of imperial power, though vested in the hands of so weak and despicable a sovereign, that no insurrection was attempted, nor any extensive conspiracy formed; but the obnoxious emperor fell at last a sacrifice to a few centurions of his own guard.
This reign was of too short duration to afford any new productions in literature; but, had it been extended to a much longer period, the effects would probably have been the same. Polite learning never could flourish under an emperor who entertained a design of destroying the writings of Virgil and Livy. It is fortunate that these, and other valuable productions of antiquity, were too widely diffused over the world, and too carefully preserved, to be in danger of perishing through the frenzy of this capricious barbarian.