<GetPassage xmlns:tei="http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0" xmlns="http://chs.harvard.edu/xmlns/cts">
            <request>
                <requestName>GetPassage</requestName>
                <requestUrn>urn:cts:latinLit:phi1254.phi001.perseus-eng1:15.11-15.30</requestUrn>
            </request>
            <reply>
                <urn>urn:cts:latinLit:phi1254.phi001.perseus-eng1:15.11-15.30</urn>
                <passage>
                    <TEI xmlns="http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0"><text xml:lang="eng"><body><div type="translation" xml:lang="eng" n="urn:cts:latinLit:phi1254.phi001.perseus-eng1"><div type="textpart" n="15" subtype="book"><div type="textpart" n="11" subtype="chapter"><head>XI</head><milestone unit="section" n="11arg"/><!--<argument>--><p>The words of a decree of the senate on expelling philosophers from the city of Rome; also the words of the edict of the censors by which those were rebuked and restrained who had begun to establish and practise the art of rhetoric at Rome.</p><!--</argument>--><p>IN the consulship of Gaius Fannius Strabo and Marcus Valerius Messala

<note>161 B.C.</note>
the following decree of the senate was passed regarding Latin speaking philosophers and rhetoricians:

<note><hi rend="italic">Fontes Iuris Rom.,</hi> p. 157; cf. Suetonius, <hi rend="italic">De Rhet.</hi> 1 (ii. p. 434, <hi rend="italic">L.C.L.</hi>).</note>
<quote>(The praetor Marcus Pomponius laid a proposition before the senate. As the result of a discussion about philosophers and rhetoricians, the senate decreed that Marcus Pomponius, the praetor, should take heed and provide, in whatever way seemed to him in accord with the interests of the State and his oath of office, that they should not remain in Rome.</quote></p><p>Then some years

<note>92 B.C.</note>
after that decree of the senate Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus and Lucius Licinius Crassus the censors issued the following edict for restraining the Latin rhetoricians:

<note><hi rend="italic">F.I.R.,</hi> p. 215; Suetonius ii, p. 434 f. <hi rend="italic">L.C.L.</hi></note>
<quote>It has been reported to us that there be men who have introduced a new kind of training, and that our young men frequent their schools; that these men have assumed the title of Latin rhetoricians, and that  <pb n="v3.p.89"/>  young men spend whole days with them in idleness. Our forefathers determined what they wished their children to learn and what schools they desired them to attend. These innovations in the customs and principles of our forefathers neither please us nor seem proper. Therefore it seems necessary to make our opinion known, both to those who have such schools and to those who are in the habit of attending them, that they are displeasing to us.</quote></p><p>And it was not only in those times, which were somewhat rude and not yet refined by Greek training, that philosophers were driven from the city of Rome, but even in the reign of Domitian

<note>A.D. 89.</note>
by a decree of the senate they were driven from the city and forbidden Italy. And it was at that time that the philosopher Epictetus also withdrew from Rome to Nicopolis because of that senatorial decree.</p></div><div type="textpart" n="12" subtype="chapter"><head>XII</head><milestone unit="section" n="12arg"/><!--<argument>--><p>A highly memorable passage from a speech of Gracchus, regarding his frugality and continence.</p><!--</argument>--><p>WHEN Gaius Gracchus

<note>The celebrated tribune of 123 and 122 B.C. He was famous as an orator; cf. i. 11. 10 ff.</note>
returned from Sardinia, he delivered a speech to an assembly of the people in the following words:

<note><hi rend="italic">O.R.F.,</hi> p. 231, Meyer<hi rend="sup">2</hi>.</note>
<quote>I conducted myself in my province,</quote> said he, <quote>as I thought would be to your advantage, not as I believed would contribute to my own ambitions. There was no tavern at my establishment, nor did slaves of conspicuous beauty wait upon me, and at an entertainment of mine your sons were treated with more modesty than at their  <pb n="v3.p.91"/>  general's tent.</quote> Later on he continues as follows: <quote>I so conducted myself in my province that no one could truly say that I received a penny, or more than that,

<note>One is reminded of the story of the politician who declared that he had never received a penny in bribes, but that it was as well to say nothing about thousand dollar bills.</note>
by way of present, or that anyone was put to expense on my account. I spent two years in my province; if any courtesan entered my house or anyone's slave was bribed on my account, consider me the lowest and basest of mankind. Since I conducted myself so continently towards their slaves, you may judge from that on what terms I lived with your sons.</quote> Then after an interval he goes on: <quote>Accordingly, fellow citizens, when I left for Rome, I brought back empty from the province the purses which I took there full of money. Others have brought home overflowing with money the jars which they took to their province filled with wine.</quote></p></div><div type="textpart" n="13" subtype="chapter"><head>XIII</head><milestone unit="section" n="13arg"/><!--<argument>--><p>Of some unusual words, which are used in either voice and are called by the grammarians <quote>common.</quote></p><!--</argument>--><p><hi rend="italic">UTOR, vereor, hortor</hi> and <hi rend="italic">consolor</hi> are <quote>common</quote> verbs and can be used either way: <quote>I respect you</quote> and <quote>I am respected by you,</quote> that is, <quote>you respect me</quote>; <quote>I use you</quote> and <quote>I am used by you,</quote> that is, <quote>you use me</quote>; <quote>I exhort you</quote> and <quote>I am exhorted by you,</quote> that is, <quote>you exhort me</quote>; <quote>I console you</quote> and <quote>I am consoled by you,</quote> that is, <quote>you console me.</quote> <hi rend="italic">Testor</hi> too and <hi rend="italic">interpretor</hi> are used in a reciprocal sense. But all these words are  <pb n="v3.p.93"/>  unusual in the second of these meanings, and it is a matter of inquiry whether they are ever so used. Afranius in <hi rend="italic">The Cousins</hi> says:

<note>ii. 33, Ribbeck<hi rend="sup">3</hi>.</note>
<quote rend="blockquote"><l>Lo! there his children hold a sire's life cheap,</l><l>Where rather feared than honoured (<hi rend="italic">vereri</hi>) he would be.</l></quote>  Here <hi rend="italic">vereor</hi> is used in its less common sense. Novius also in the <hi rend="italic">Wood-dealer</hi> uses the word <hi rend="italic">utor</hi> with a passive meaning:

<note>v. 43, Ribbeck<hi rend="sup">3</hi>.</note>
<quote rend="blockquote"><l>Since a deal of gear is bought which is not used (<hi rend="italic">utitur</hi>).</l></quote>  That is, <quote>which is not to be used.</quote> Marcus Cato in the fifth book of his <hi rend="italic">Origins</hi> has this:

<note>Frag. 101, Peter<hi rend="sup">2</hi>.</note>
<quote>He led forth his army, fed, ready, and encouraged (<hi rend="italic">cohortatum</hi>), and drew it up in order of battle.</quote> We find <hi rend="italic">consolor</hi> also used in a different sense from the one which it commonly has, in a letter of Quintus Metellus, which he wrote during his exile to Gnaeus and Lucius Domitius. <quote>But,</quote> he says, <quote>when I realize your feeling towards me, I am very greatly consoled (<hi rend="italic">consolor</hi>), and your loyalty and worth are brought before my eyes.</quote> Marcus Tullius used <hi rend="italic">testata</hi> and <hi rend="italic">interpretata</hi> in the same manner in the first book of his work <hi rend="italic">On Divination,</hi>

<note>§ 87 and § 53</note>
so that <hi rend="italic">testor</hi> and <hi rend="italic">interpreter</hi> ought also to be considered to be <quote>common</quote> verbs. Sallust too in a similar way says:

<note><hi rend="italic">Hist.</hi> i. 49, Maur.</note>
<quote>The goods of the proscribed having been given away (<hi rend="italic">dilargitis</hi>),</quote> indicating that <hi rend="italic">largior</hi> is one of the <quote>common</quote> verbs. Moreover, we see that <hi rend="italic">veritum,</hi> like <hi rend="italic">puditum</hi> and  <pb n="v3.p.95"/>  <hi rend="italic">pigitum,</hi> is used impersonally and indefinitely,

<note>That is, without having a particular person or thing as its subject.</note>
not only by the earlier writers, but also by Marcus Tullius in the second book of his <hi rend="italic">De Finibus.</hi>

<note>§ 39.</note>
<quote>First (I will refute),</quote> says he, <quote>the view of Aristippus and of all the Cyrenaic philosophers, to whom it caused no fear

<note><hi rend="italic">i.e.</hi> who did not scruple.</note>
(<hi rend="italic">veritum est</hi>) to assign the highest good to that pleasure which affects the senses with greatest delight.</quote></p><p><hi rend="italic">Dignor,</hi> too, <hi rend="italic">veneror, confiteor</hi> and <hi rend="italic">testor</hi> are treated as <quote>common</quote> verbs. Thus we find in Virgil:

<note><hi rend="italic">Aen.</hi> iii. 475.</note>
<quote rend="blockquote"><l>Of wedlock high with Venus worthy deemed (dignale),</l></quote>  and

<note><hi rend="italic">Aen.</hi> iii. 460.</note>
<quote rend="blockquote"><l>Revered in prayer (<hi rend="italic">venerata</hi>), shall grant a voyage safe.</l></quote>  Moreover, <hi rend="italic">confessi aeris,</hi> meaning a debt of which admission is made, is written in the <hi rend="italic">Twelve Tables</hi> in these words:

<note>iii. 1.</note>
<quote>For an admitted debt, when the matter has been taken into court, let the respite be thirty days.</quote> Also in those same <hi rend="italic">Tables</hi> we find this:

<note>viii. 22.</note>
<quote>Whoever shall allow himself to be summoned as a witness or shall act as a balance-holder,

<note>That is, in a symbolic sale, when the purchaser touched a balance with a coin. See note on v. 19. 3 (vol. i., p. 436).</note>
if he does not give his testimony, let him be regarded as dishonoured and incapable of giving testimony in the future.</quote></p><pb n="v3.p.97"/></div><div type="textpart" n="14" subtype="chapter"><head>XIV</head><milestone unit="section" n="14arg"/><!--<argument>--><p>That Metellus Numidicus borrowed a new form of expression from Greek usage.</p><!--</argument>--><p>IN Quintus Metellus Numidicus, in the third book of his <hi rend="italic">Accusalion of Valerius Messala,</hi> I have made note of a novel expression. The words of his speech are as follows:

<note><hi rend="italic">O.R.F.,</hi> p. 276, Mever<hi rend="sup">2</hi>.</note>
<quote>When he knew that he had incurred so grave an accusation, and that our allies had come to the senate in tears, to make complaint that they had been exacted enormous sums of money (<hi rend="italic">pecunias maximas exactos esse</hi>).</quote> He says <quote>that they had been exacted enormous sums of money,</quote> instead of <quote>that enormous sums of money had been exacted from them.</quote> This seemed to me an imitation of a Greek idiom; for the Greeks say: <foreign xml:lang="grc">ei)sepra/cato/ me a)rgu/rion,</foreign> meaning <quote>he exacted me money.</quote> But if this can be said, so too can <quote>one is exacted money,</quote> and Caecilius seems to have used that form of expression in his <hi rend="italic">Supposititious Aeschinus:</hi>

<note>v. 92, Ribbeck<hi rend="sup">3</hi>.</note>
<quote rend="blockquote"><l>Yet I the customs-fee exacted am.</l></quote>  That is to say, <quote>yet the customs-fee is exacted from me.</quote></p></div><div type="textpart" n="15" subtype="chapter"><head>XV</head><milestone unit="section" n="15arg"/><!--<argument>--><p>That the early writers used <hi rend="italic">passis velis</hi> and <hi rend="italic">passis manibus,</hi> not from the verb <hi rend="italic">patior,</hi> to which the participle belongs, but from <hi rend="italic">pando,</hi> to which it does not belong.</p><!--</argument>--><p>FROM the verb <hi rend="italic">pando</hi> the ancients made <hi rend="italic">passum,</hi> not <hi rend="italic">pansum,</hi> and with the preposition <hi rend="italic">ex</hi> they formed  <pb n="v3.p.99"/>  <hi rend="italic">expassum,</hi> not <hi rend="italic">expansum.</hi> Caecilius in the <hi rend="italic">Fellowbreakfasters</hi> says:

<note>v. 197, Ribbeck<hi rend="sup">3</hi>.</note>
<quote rend="blockquote"><l part="I">That yesterday he'd looked in from the roof,</l><l>Had this announced, and straight the veil

<note>The flame-coloured (yellow) bridal veil.</note>
was spread (<hi rend="italic">expassum</hi>).</l></quote>  A woman too is said to be <hi rend="italic">capillo passo, or</hi> <quote>with disordered hair,</quote> when it is hanging down and loosened, and we say <hi rend="italic">passis manibus</hi> and <hi rend="italic">velis passis</hi> of hands and sails stretched out and spread. Therefore Plautus in his <hi rend="italic">Braggart Captain,</hi> changing an <hi rend="italic">a</hi> into an <hi rend="italic">e,</hi> as is usual in compound words, uses <hi rend="italic">dispessis</hi> for <hi rend="italic">dispassis</hi> in these lines:

<note>359 Cf. iv. 17. 8; a became <hi rend="italic">e</hi> before two consonants, <hi rend="italic">i</hi> before a single one, except <hi rend="italic">r.</hi></note>
Methinks you thus must die without the gate, When you shall hold the cross with hands outstretched (<hi rend="italic">dispessis</hi>).</p></div><div type="textpart" n="16" subtype="chapter"><head>XVI</head><milestone unit="section" n="16arg"/><!--<argument>--><p>Of the singular death of Milo of Croton.

<note>The same story is told by Strabo, vi. 1. 12 (iii, p. 45, <hi rend="italic">L.C.L.</hi>).</note>
</p><!--</argument>--><p>MILO of Croton, a famous athlete, who was first crowned at the sixty-second Olympiad,

<note>32 B.C.</note>
as the chronicles record, ended his life in a strange and lamentable manner. When he was already advanced in age and had given up the athletic art, he chanced to be journeying alone in a wooded part of Italy. Near the road he saw an oak tree, the middle of which gaped with wide cracks. Then wishing, I suppose, to try whether he still had any strength left,  <pb n="v3.p.101"/>  he put his fingers into the hollows of the tree and tried to rend apart and split the oak. And in fact he did tear asunder and divide the middle part; but when the oak was thus split into two parts, and he relaxed his hold as if he had accomplished his attempt, the tree returned to its natural position when the pressure ceased, and catching and holding his hands as it came together and united, it kept the man there, to be torn to pieces by wild beasts.</p></div><div type="textpart" n="17" subtype="chapter"><head>XVII</head><milestone unit="section" n="17arg"/><!--<argument>--><p>Why young men of noble rank at Athens gave up playing the pipes, although it was one of their native customs.</p><!--</argument>--><p>ALCIBIADES the Athenian in his boyhood was being trained in the liberal arts and sciences at the home of his uncle, Pericles; and Pericles had ordered Antigenides, a player on the pipes, to be sent for, to teach the boy to play on that instrument, which was then considered a great accomplishment. But when the pipes were handed to him and he had put them to his lips and blown, disgusted at the ugly distortion of his face, he threw them away and broke them in two. When this matter was noised abroad, by the universal consent of the Athenians of that time the art of playing the pipes was given up. This story is told in the twenty-ninth book of the <hi rend="italic">Commentary</hi> of Pamphila.

<note><hi rend="italic">F.H.G.</hi> iii. 521. 9.</note>
</p><pb n="v3.p.103"/></div><div type="textpart" n="18" subtype="chapter"><head>XVIII</head><milestone unit="section" n="18arg"/><!--<argument>--><p>That the battle which Gaius Caesar fought on the plains of Pharsalus during the civil war was announced on the very same day at Patavium in Italy, and his victory foretold, by the divination of a seer.</p><!--</argument>--><p>ON the day that Gaius Caesar and Gnaeus Pompeius engaged in battle in Thessaly during the civil war, an event occurred at Patavium in Transpadane Italy, which is deserving of record. A priest called Cornelius, a man of good birth, honoured for scrupulousness in his office and revered for the purity of his life, was suddenly seized by a prophetic inspiration and said that he saw a most furious battle taking place afar off; then he shouted out, just as if he were personally taking part in the engagement, that some were giving way, others pressing on; that he saw before him carnage, flight, flying weapons, a renewal of the engagement, an attack, groans and wounds; and later he suddenly exclaimed that Caesar was victorious.</p><p>At the time the prophecy of the priest Cornelius seemed unimportant and without meaning. Afterwards, however, it caused great surprise, since not only the time of the battle which was fought in Thessaly, and its predicted outcome, were verified, but all the shifting fortunes of the day and the very conflict of the two armies were represented by the gestures and words of the seer.

<note>Cf. Plutarch, <hi rend="italic">Caesar,</hi> 47.</note>
</p><pb n="v3.p.105"/></div><div type="textpart" n="19" subtype="chapter"><head>XIX</head><milestone unit="section" n="19arg"/><!--<argument>--><p>Memorable words of Marcus Varro, from the satire entitled <foreign xml:lang="grc">Peri\ )Edesma/twn.</foreign></p><!--</argument>--><p>THERE are not a few to whom that may apply which is said by Marcus Varro in his satire entitled <foreign xml:lang="grc">Peri\ )Edesma/twn.</foreign> or <hi rend="italic">On Eatables.</hi> His words are these:

<note>Fr. 404, Bücheler.</note>
<quote>If you had given to philosophy a twelfth part of the effort which you spent in making your baker give you good bread, you would long since have become a good man. As it is, those who know him are willing to buy <hi rend="italic">him</hi> at a hundred thousand sesterces, while no one who knows you would take <hi rend="italic">you</hi> at a hundred.</quote></p></div><div type="textpart" n="20" subtype="chapter"><head>XX</head><milestone unit="section" n="20arg"/><!--<argument>--><p>Certain facts about the birth, life and character of the poet Euripides, and about the end of his life.</p><!--</argument>--><p>THEOPOMPUS says

<note><hi rend="italic">F.H. G.</hi> i. 294.</note>
that the mother of the poet Euripides made a living by selling country produce. Furthermore, when Euripides was born, his father was assured by the astrologers that the boy, when he grew up, would be victor in the games; for that was his destiny. His father, understanding this to mean that he ought to be an athlete, exercised and strengthened his son's body and took him to Olympia to contend among the wrestlers. And at first he was not admitted to the contest because of his time of life,

<note>He was too old for the boys' races.</note>
but afterwards he engaged in the Eleusinian

<note>Athletic games in connection with the Eleusinian mysteries.</note>
and Thesean

<note>A festival held at Athens in the autumn in the month Pyanepsion, in honour of Theseus.</note>
contests and won crowns.  <pb n="v3.p.107"/>  Later, turning from attention to bodily exercise to the desire of training his mind, he was a pupil of the natural philosopher Anaxagoras and the rhetorician Prodicus, and, in moral philosophy, of Socrates. At the age of eighteen he attempted to write a tragedy. Philochorus relates

<note><hi rend="italic">F.H. G.</hi> i. 412.</note>
that there is on the island of Salamis a grim and gloomy cavern,

<note>These words are probably not part of the quotation.</note>
which I myself have seen, in which Euripides wrote tragedies. He is said to have had an exceeding antipathy towards almost all women, either because he had a natural disinclination to their society, or because he had had two wives at the same time (since that was permitted by a decree passed by the Athenians) and they had made wedlock hateful to him. Aristophanes also notices his antipathy to women in the first edition of the <hi rend="italic">Thesmophoriazousae</hi> in these verses:

<note>453 ff.</note>
<quote rend="blockquote"><l>Now then I urge and call on all our sex</l><l>This man to punish for his many crimes.</l><l>For on us, women, he brings bitter woes,</l><l>Himself brought up 'mid bitter garden plants.</l></quote>  But Alexander the Aetolian composed the following lines about Euripides:

<note><hi rend="italic">Anal. Alex.</hi> p. 247, Meineke.</note>
</p><quote rend="blockquote"><l part="I">The pupil of stout Anaxagoras,</l><l>Of churlish speech and gloomy, ne'er has learned</l><l>To jest amid the wine; but what he wrote</l><l>Might honey and the Sirens well have known.</l></quote><p>When Euripides was in Macedonia at the court of Archelaus, and had become an intimate friend of the king, returning home one night from a dinner with the monarch he was torn by dogs, which were set  <pb n="v3.p.109"/>  upon him by a rival of his, and death resulted from his wounds.

<note>He died in 406 B.C.; according to another version of the story it was a band of women who tore him to pieces. Both tales are of doubtful authenticity; the one told by Gellius appears also in Athenaeus xiii. 597, but is denied in verses preserved in Suidas, <hi rend="italic">s.v.</hi> <foreign xml:lang="grc">u(pai/meke.</foreign></note>
The Macedonians treated his tomb and his memory with such honour that they used to proclaim: <quote>Never, Euripides, shall thy monument perish,</quote> also by way of self-glorification, because the distinguished poet had met his death and been buried in their land. Therefore when envoys, sent to them by the Athenians, begged that they should allow his bones to be moved to Athens, his native land, the Macedonians unanimously persisted in refusing.</p></div><div type="textpart" n="21" subtype="chapter"><head>XXI</head><milestone unit="section" n="21arg"/><!--<argument>--><p>That by the poets the sons of Jupiter are represented as most wise and refined, but those of Neptune as very haughty and rude.</p><!--</argument>--><p>THE poets have called the sons of Jupiter most excellent in worth, wisdom and strength, for example Aeacus, Minos and Sarpedon; the sons of Neptune, the Cyclops, Cercyon, Sciron, and the Laestrygonians, they said, were most haughty and cruel, and strangers to all refinement, as being sprung from the sea.</p></div><div type="textpart" n="22" subtype="chapter"><head>XXII</head><milestone unit="section" n="22arg"/><!--<argument>--><p>A story of the distinguished leader Sertorius; of his cunning, and of the clever devices which he used to control and conciliate his barbarian soldiers.</p><!--</argument>--><p>SERTORIUS, a brave man and a distinguished general, was skilled in using and commanding an army. In times of great difficulty he would lie to  <pb n="v3.p.111"/>  his soldiers, if a lie was advantageous, he would read forged letters for genuine ones, feign dreams, and resort to fictitious omens, if such devices helped him to keep up the spirits of his soldiers. the following story about Sertorius is particularly well known: A white hind of remarkable beauty, agility and swiftness was given him as a present by a man of Lusitania. He tried to convince everyone that the animal had been given him by the gods, and that inspired by the divine power of Diana, it talked with him, and showed and indicated what it was expedient to do; and if any command which he felt obliged to give his soldiers seemed unusually difficult, he declared that he had been advised by the hind. When he said that, all willingly rendered obedience, as if to a god. One day, when an advance of the enemy had been reported, the hind, alarmed by the hurry and confusion, took to flight and hid in a neighbouring marsh, and after being sought for in vain was believed to have perished. Not many days later, word was brought to Sertorius that the hind had been found. Then he bade the one who had brought the news to keep silence, threatening him with punishment in case he revealed the matter to anyone; and he ordered him suddenly on the following day to let the animal into the place where lie himself was with his friends. Then, next day, having called in his friends, he said that he had dreamed that the lost hind had returned to him, and after its usual manner had told him what ought to be done. Thereupoli he signed to the slave to do what he had ordered; the hind was let loose and burst into Sertorius' room, amid shouts of amazement.</p><pb n="v3.p.113"/><p>This credulity of the barbarians was very helpful to Sertorius in important matters. It is recorded that of those tribes which acted with Sertorius, although he was defeated in many battles, not one ever deserted him, although that race of men is most inconstant.</p></div><div type="textpart" n="23" subtype="chapter"><head>XXIII</head><milestone unit="section" n="23arg"/><!--<argument>--><p>Of the age of the famous historians, Hellanicus, Herodotus and Thucydides.</p><!--</argument>--><p>HELLANICUS, Herodotus, and Thucydides, writers of history, enjoyed great glory at almost the same time, and did not differ very greatly in age. For Hellanicus seems to have been sixty-five years old at the beginning of the Peloponnesian war,

<note>In 413 B.C.</note>
Herodotus fifty-three, Thucydides forty. This is stated in the eleventh book of Pamphila.

<note><hi rend="italic">F.H.G.</hi> iii. 521. 7; cf. xv. 17. 3, above.</note>
</p></div><div type="textpart" n="24" subtype="chapter"><head>XXIV</head><milestone unit="section" n="24arg"/><!--<argument>--><p>Vulcacius Sedigitus' canon of the Latin writers of comedy, from the book which he wrote <hi rend="italic">On Poets.</hi></p><!--</argument>--><p>SEDIGITUS, in the book which he wrote <hi rend="italic">On Poets,</hi> shows in the following verses of his

<note>Frag. 1, Bährens.</note>
what he thought of those who wrote comedies, which one he thinks surpasses all the rest, and then what rank and honour he gives to each of them:  <quote rend="blockquote"><l>This question many doubtfully dispute,</l><l>Which comic poet they'd award the palm.</l><l>This doubt my judgment shall for you resolve;</l><l>If any differ from me, senseless he.</l><pb n="v3.p.115"/><l>First place I give Caecilius Statius.</l><l>Plautus holds second rank without a peer;</l><l>Then Naevius third, for passion and for fire.</l><l>If fourth there be, be he Licinius.</l><l>I place Atilius next, after Licinius.</l><l>These let Terentius follow, sixth in rank.</l><l>Turpilius seventh, Trabea eighth place holds.</l><l>Ninth palm I gladly give to Luscius,</l><l>To Ennius tenth, as bard of long ago.

<note>The principle on which the ranking was done is a disputed question—the amount of originality, that of <foreign xml:lang="grc">pa/qos,</foreign> and personal feeling have been suggested. Vulcacius lived about 130 B.C. He is cited by Suetonius, <hi rend="italic">v. Ter.</hi> ii, iv, v (<hi rend="italic">L.C.L.</hi> ii, pp. 456, 458, 462).</note>
</l></quote></p></div><div type="textpart" n="25" subtype="chapter"><head>XXV</head><milestone unit="section" n="25arg"/><!--<argument>--><p>Of certain new words which I had met in the <hi rend="italic">Miimiambics</hi> of Gnaeus Matius.</p><!--</argument>--><p>GNAEUS MATIUS, a learned man, in his <hi rend="italic">Mimiambics</hi> properly and fitly coined the word <hi rend="italic">recentatur</hi> for the idea expressed by the Greek <foreign xml:lang="grc">a)nai eou=tai,</foreign> that is <quote>it is born again and is again made new.</quote> The lines in which the word occurs are these:

<note>Frag. 9, Bährens.</note>
<quote rend="blockquote"><l>E'en now doth Phoebus gleam, again is born (<hi rend="italic">recentatur</hi>)</l><l>The common light to joys of mortal men.</l></quote>  Matius too, in the same <hi rend="italic">Mimiarmbics,</hi> says <hi rend="italic">edulcare,</hi> meaning <quote>to sweeten,</quote> in these lines:

<note>Frag. 10, Bährens.</note>
</p><quote rend="blockquote"><l>And therefore it is fit to sweeten (<hi rend="italic">edulcare</hi>) life,</l><l>And bitter cares with wisdom to control.</l></quote><pb n="v3.p.117"/></div><div type="textpart" n="26" subtype="chapter"><head>XXVI</head><milestone unit="section" n="26arg"/><!--<argument>--><p>In what words the philosopher Aristotle defined a syllogism; and an interpretation of his definition in Latin terms.</p><!--</argument>--><p>ARISTOTLE defines a syllogism in these lines:

<note><hi rend="italic">Topic.</hi> i. 1, p. 100. 25.</note>
<quote>A sentence in which, granted certain premises, something else than these premises necessarily follows as the result of these premises.</quote> The following interpretation of this definition seemed to me fairly good: <quote>A syllogism is a sentence in which, certain things being granted and accepted, something else than that which was granted is necessarily established through what was granted.</quote></p></div><div type="textpart" n="27" subtype="chapter"><head>XXVII</head><milestone unit="section" n="27arg"/><!--<argument>--><p>The meaning of <hi rend="italic">comitia calata, curiata, centsriata,</hi> and <hi rend="italic">tribulta,</hi> and of <hi rend="italic">concilium,</hi> and other related matters of the same kind.</p><!--</argument>--><p>IN the first book of the work of Laelius Felix addressed <hi rend="italic">To Quintus Mucius</hi> it is said

<note>Frag. I ff., i. p. 70, Bremer.</note>
that Labeo wrote

<note>Frag. 22, Huschke; inc. 187, Bremer.</note>
that the <hi rend="italic">comitia calata,</hi> or <quote>convoked assembly,</quote> was held on behalf of the college of pontiffs for the purpose of installing the king

<note>That is, the <hi rend="italic">rex sacrorum;</hi> see note on x. 15. 21.</note>
or the flames. Of these assemblies some were those <quote>of the curies</quote>, others those <quote>of the centuries</quote>; the former were called together (<hi rend="italic">calari</hi> being used in the sense of <quote>convoke</quote>) by the curiate lictor, the latter by a horn blower.</p><pb n="v3.p.119"/><p>In that same assembly, which we have said was called <hi rend="italic">calata,</hi> or <quote>convoked,</quote> wills were customarily made and sacrifices annulled. For we learn that there were three kinds of wills: one which was made in the <quote>convoked assembly</quote> before the collected people, a second on the battle-field,

<note>See Mommsen, <hi rend="italic">Staatsr.</hi> iii, p. 307, n. 2.</note>
when the men were called into line for the purpose of fighting, a third the symbolic sale of a householder's property by means of the coin and balance.

<note>See note on xv. 13. 11.</note>
</p><p>In the same book of Laelius Felix this is written: <quote>One who orders a part of the people to assemble, but not all the people, ought to announce a council rather than an assembly. Moreover, tribunes do not summon the patricians, nor may they refer any question to them. Therefore bills which are passed on the initiative of the tribunes of the commons are properly called <hi rend="italic">plebiscita,</hi> or 'decrees of the commons,' rather than 'laws.' In former times the patricians were not bound by such decrees until the dictator Quintus Hortensius passed a law, providing that all the Quirites should be bound by whatever enactment the commons should pass.</quote>

<note>In 287 B.C.</note>
It is also written in the same book: <quote>When voting is done according to families of men,

<note>The <hi rend="italic">comitia curiata</hi> were organized on the basis of the thirty <hi rend="italic">curiae</hi> of the three original Roman tribes. These <hi rend="italic">curiae</hi> included the patrician <hi rend="italic">gentes,</hi> which, before the time of the military assembly (<hi rend="italic">comitia centuriata</hi>) attributed to Servius Tullius, alone had the full rights of citizenship.</note>
the assembly is called 'curiate'; when it is according to property and age, ' centuriate'; when according to regions and localities, 'tribal.' Further it impious for the assembly of the centuries to be held within the pomerium, because the army must be summoned outside of the city, and it is not lawful for it to be summoned within the city. Therefore it was customary for the  <pb n="v3.p.121"/>  assembly of the centuries to be held in the field of Mars, and the army to be summoned there for purposes of defence while the people were busy casting their votes.</quote></p></div><div type="textpart" n="28" subtype="chapter"><head>XXVIII</head><milestone unit="section" n="28arg"/><!--<argument>--><p>That Cornelius Nepos was in error when he wrote that Cicero defended Sextus Roscius at the age of twenty-three.</p><!--</argument>--><p>CORNELIUS NEPOS was a careful student of records and one of Marcus Cicero's most intimate friends. Yet in the first book of his <hi rend="italic">Life of Cicero</hi> he seems to have erred in writing

<note>Frag. 1, Peter<hi rend="sup">2</hi>.</note>
that Cicero made his first plea in a public trial at the age of twenty-three years, defending Sextus Roscius, who was charged with murder. For if we count the years from Quintus Caepio and Quintus Serranus, in whose consulship Cicero was born on the third day before the Nones of January,

<note>January 3, 106 B.C.</note>
to Marcus Tullius and Gnaeus Dolabella, in whose consulate he pleaded a private case <hi rend="italic">In Defence of Quinctius</hi> before Aquilius Gallus as judge, the result is twenty-six years. And there is no doubt that he defended Sextus Roscius on a charge of murder the year after he spoke <hi rend="italic">In Defence of Quinctius;</hi> that is, at the age of twenty-seven, in the consulship of Lucius Sulla Felix and Metellus Pius, the former for a second time.</p><p>Asconius Pedianus has noted

<note>p. xv, Kiessling and Schöll.</note>
that Fenestella also made a mistake in regard to this matter, in writing

<note>Frag. 17, Peter<hi rend="sup">2</hi>.</note>
that he pleaded for Sextus Roscius in the twenty-sixth year of his age. But the mistake of Nepos is greater than that of Fenestella, unless anyone is inclined to believe that Nepos, led by a  <pb n="v3.p.123"/>  feeling of friendship and regard, suppressed four years in order to increase our admiration of Cicero, by making it appear that he delivered his brilliant speech <hi rend="italic">In Defence of Roscius</hi> when he was a very young man.</p><p>This also has been noted and recorded by the admirers of both orators, that Demosthenes and Cicero delivered their first brilliant speeches in the courts at the same age, the former <hi rend="italic">Against Androtion</hi> and <hi rend="italic">Against Timocrates</hi> at the age of twenty-seven, the latter when a year younger <hi rend="italic">In Defence of Quinctius</hi> and at twenty-seven <hi rend="italic">In Defence of Sextus Roscius.</hi> Also, the number of years which they lived did not differ very greatly; Cicero died at sixty-three, Demosthenes at sixty.

<note>In 322 B.C.</note>
</p></div><div type="textpart" n="29" subtype="chapter"><head>XXIX</head><milestone unit="section" n="29arg"/><!--<argument>--><p>A new form of expression used by Lucius Piso, the writer of annals.</p><!--</argument>--><p>THE two following modes of saying <quote>my name is Julius</quote> are common and familiar: <hi rend="italic">mihi nomen est Iulius</hi> and <hi rend="italic">mihi nomen est Iulio.</hi> I have actually found a third, and new, form in Piso, in the second book of his <hi rend="italic">Annals.</hi> His words are these:

<note>Frag. 19, Peter<hi rend="sup">2</hi>.</note>
<quote>They feared his colleague, Lucius Tarquinius, because he had the Tarquinian name; and he begged him to leave Rome of his own free will.</quote>

<note>Cf. Livy, ii. 2. 3.</note>
<quote>Because,</quote> says he, <quote>he had the Tarquinian name</quote>; this is as if I should say <hi rend="italic">mihi nomen est Iulium,</hi> or <quote>I have the Julian name.</quote></p><pb n="v3.p.125"/></div><div type="textpart" n="30" subtype="chapter"><head>XXX</head><milestone unit="section" n="30arg"/><!--<argument>--><p>Whether the word <hi rend="italic">petorritum,</hi> applied to a vehicle, is Greek or Gallic.</p><!--</argument>--><p>THOSE who approach the study of letters late in life, after they are worn out and exhausted by some other occupation, particularly if they are garrulous and of only moderate keenness, make themselves exceedingly ridiculous and silly by displaying their would-be knowledge. To this class that man surely belongs, who lately talked fine-spun nonsense about <hi rend="italic">petorrita,</hi> or <quote>four-wheeled wagons.</quote> For when the question was asked, what form of vehicle the <hi rend="italic">petorritum</hi> was, and from what language the word came, he falsely described a form of vehicle very unlike the real one; he also declared that the name was Greek and interpreted it as meaning <quote>flying wheels,</quote>

<note>Making a hybrid word, from <foreign xml:lang="grc">pe/tomai,</foreign> <quote>fly,</quote> and <hi rend="italic">rota.</hi> See crit. note 1.</note>
maintaining that <hi rend="italic">pelorritum</hi> was formed by the change of a single letter from <hi rend="italic">pelorrotum,</hi> and that this form was actually used by Valerius Probus.</p><p>When I had got together many copies of the <hi rend="italic">Commentaries</hi> of Probus, I did not find that spelling in them, and I do not believe that Probus used it anywhere else. For <hi rend="italic">petorritum</hi> is not a hybrid word derived in part from the Greek, but the entire word belongs to the people across the Alps; for it is a Gallic word. It is found in the fourteenth book of Marcus Varro's <hi rend="italic">Divine Antiquities,</hi> where Varro, speaking of <hi rend="italic">petorritum,</hi> says

<note>Frag. 108, Agahd.</note>
that it is a Gallic term.

<note>Gellius is right; <hi rend="italic">petorrita,</hi> like several other words connected with horses and carriages, is borrowed from the Gallic. In Celtic, as also in Oscan and Umbrian, Latin <hi rend="italic">qu</hi> is represented by p; hence <hi rend="italic">petor</hi> or <hi rend="italic">petora = quattuor.</hi></note>
He also says that <hi rend="italic">lancea,</hi> or <quote>lance,</quote> is not a Latin, but a Spanish word.</p><pb n="v3.p.127"/></div></div></div></body></text></TEI>
                </passage>
            </reply>
            </GetPassage>