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                    <TEI xmlns="http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0"><text xml:lang="en"><body><div type="translation" n="urn:cts:latinLit:phi0631.phi001.perseus-eng2" xml:lang="eng"><div type="textpart" subtype="chapter" n="intro"><head>BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE OF SALLUST.</head><p>SALLUST was born at <placeName key="perseus,Amiternum">Amiternum</placeName>, a town in the <placeName key="tgn,7021127">Sabine</placeName> territory, on the first of October,<note anchored="true" place="foot">Euseb. Chron.</note> in the year six hundred and sixty-six<note anchored="true" place="foot"><placeName key="tgn,1002284">Clinton</placeName>, Fast. Rom.</note> from the foundation of <placeName key="tgn,7013962">Rome</placeName>, eighty-seven years before Christ, and in the seventh consulship of Marius.</p><p>The name of his father was Caius Sallustius;<note anchored="true" place="foot">De Brosses, Vie de Sall., § 2; Glandorp. Onomast.</note> that of his mother is unknown. His family was thought by Crinitus, and some others, to have been patrician, but by <placeName key="tgn,2083270">Gerlach</placeName>, and most of the later critics, is pronounced to have been plebeian, because he held the office of tribune of the people, because he makes observations unfavorable to the nobility in his writings, and because his grandson, according to Tacitus,<note anchored="true" place="foot">Ann., iii. 30.</note> was only of equestrian rank.</p><p>The ingenuity of criticism has been exercised in determining whether his name should be written with a double or single l. Jerome Wolfius,<note anchored="true" place="foot">Apud Voss.</note> and <placeName key="tgn,2083270">Gerlach</placeName>, are in favor of the single letter, depending chiefly on inscriptions, and on the presumption that the name is derived from <foreign xml:lang="lat">salus</foreign> or <foreign xml:lang="lat">sal</foreign>. But inscriptions vary; the etymology of the word is uncertain, and to derive it from <foreign xml:lang="lat">sal</foreign> would authorize either mode of spelling. All the Latin authors, both in prose and poetry, have the name with the double letter, and it seems better, as Vossius<note anchored="true" place="foot">Vit. Sall.</note> remarks, to adhere to their practice. Among the Greeks, Dion and Eusebius have the single letter; in some other writers it is found doubled.</p><p>Another question raised respecting his name, is whether he <pb n="x"/>should be called <foreign xml:lang="lat">Sallustius Crispus</foreign> or <foreign xml:lang="lat">Crispus Sallustius.</foreign> The latter mode is adopted by Le Clerc, Cortius, Havercamp, and some other critics; but De Brosses<note anchored="true" place="foot">Vie de Sall., § 1.</note> argues conclusively in favor of the former method; as Sallustius, from its termination, is evidently the name of the family or <foreign xml:lang="lat">gens;</foreign> and Crispus, which denotes <foreign xml:lang="lat">quelque habitude du corps,</foreign> only a surname to distinguish one of its branches. <foreign xml:lang="lat">Crispus Sallustius</foreign> is found, indeed, in manuscripts; and, according to Cortius, in the best; but on what reasonable grounds can it be justified? It was perhaps adopted by some copyist front the ode of <placeName key="tgn,2028398">Horace</placeName><note anchored="true" place="foot">Od., ii. 2, 3.</note> addressed to Sallist's nephew, and inconsiderately continued by his successors.</p><p>He was removed early in life to <placeName key="tgn,7013962">Rome</placeName>, that he might be educated under Atteius Prætextatus, a celebrated grammarian of that age, who styled himself Philologus, and who was afterward tutor to Asinius Pollio.<note anchored="true" place="foot">Suet. de Ill. Gramm., c. 10.</note> Atteius treated Sallust with very great distinction.<note anchored="true" place="foot">Ibid.</note></p><p>He may be supposed to have soon grown conscious of his powers;<note anchored="true" place="foot">Pseudo-Sall. Ep. to Cæs., i. 10.</note> and appears at an early period of his life to have devoted himself to study, with an intention to distinguish himself in history.<note anchored="true" place="foot">Cat., c. 3.</note></p><p>His devotion to literature, however, was not so great as to detain him from indulgence in pleasure; for he became, if we allow any credit to the old declaimer, infamous, <foreign xml:lang="lat">ætatis tirocinio,</foreign> for debauchery and extravagance. He took possession of his father's house in his father's lifetime, and sold it; an act by which he brought his father to the grave; and he was twice, for some misconduct, arraigned before the magistrates, and escaped on both occasions only through the perjury of his judges.<note anchored="true" place="foot">Pseudo-Cic. in Sall., c. 5.</note></p><p>When we cite this rhetorician, we must not forget that we cite an anonymous reviler, yet we must suppose with <placeName key="tgn,2083270">Gerlach</placeName>, and with Meisner, the German translator of Sallust, that we quote a writer who grounded his invectives on reports and opinions current at the time in which he lived.</p><p>Sallust next thought of aspiring to political distinction;<note anchored="true" place="foot">Cat., c. 3.</note> but <pb n="xi"/>"the usual method of attaining notice," says De Brosses,<note anchored="true" place="foot">Vie de Sal., c. 3.</note> "which was to secure friends and clients by pleading the causes of individuals at the bar, he seems not to have adopted;" since, as is known, no orations spoken' by him are in existence, and, as is thought, no mention is made of such orations in any other author.</p><p>Mention, however, is made of orations of Sallust, at whatever time delivered, in the well-known passage of <placeName key="tgn,1002883">Seneca</placeName> the rhetorician.<note anchored="true" place="foot">Præf. in Controv., 1. iii., p. 231, ed. Par. <date when="1607">1607</date>.</note> When <placeName key="tgn,1002883">Seneca</placeName> inquired of Cassius Severus, why he, who was so eminent in pleading important causes, displayed so little talent in pronouncing fictitious declamations, the orator replied, <quote xml:lang="lat">Quod in me miraris, pene omnibus evenit, etc. Orationes Sallustii in honorem historiarum leguntur.</quote> "What you think extraordinary in me, is common to all men of ability. The greatest geniuses, to whom I am conscious of my great inferiority, have generally excelled only in one species of composition. The felicity of <placeName key="tgn,1015191">Virgil</placeName> in poetry deserted him in prose; the eloquence of <placeName key="tgn,2031372">Cicero</placeName>'s orations is not to be found in his verses; and the speeches of Sallust are read only as a foil to his histories." The speeches which are here meant, are not, as has been generally imagined, those inserted in the histories, but others, which Sallust had spoken. This view of the passage was first taken by Antonius Augustinus, and communicated by him to Schottus, who mentioned it in his annotations on <placeName key="tgn,1002883">Seneca</placeName>.<note anchored="true" place="foot">P. 234, ed. Par. <date when="1607">1607</date>.</note></p><p>But by whatever means he secured support, he had at length sufficient interest to obtain a quæstorship;<note anchored="true" place="foot">Pseudo-Cic., in Sall., c. 5.</note> the tenure of which gave him admission into the senate. It would appear that he was about thirty-one years of age when he attained this honor.<note anchored="true" place="foot">Adam's Rom. antiquities, p. 4.</note></p><p>It must have been about this period that his adventure with Fausta, the daughter of Sylla and wife of <placeName key="tgn,1013243">Milo</placeName>, occurred, of which a short account is given by Aulus Gellius<note anchored="true" place="foot">xvii. 18.</note> in an extract from Varro. The English reader may take it in the version of Beloe : "Marcus Varro, a man of great authority and weight in his writings and life, in his publication entitled 'Pius,' or 'De Pace,' <pb n="xii"/>records that Caius Sallust, the author of that grave and serious composition (<foreign xml:lang="lat">seriæ illius et severæ orationis</foreign>), in which he has exercised the severity of the censorial office, in taking cognizance of crimes, being taken by Annæus <placeName key="tgn,1013243">Milo</placeName> in adultery, was well scourged, and, after paying a sum of money, dismissed." The same story is told, on the authority of Asconius Pedianus the biographer of Sallust, by Acro and Porphyrio, the scholiasts on Horace, who, they think, had it in his mind when he wrote the words, <quote xml:lang="lat">Ille flagellis ad mortem cæsus.</quote><note anchored="true" place="foot">Sat., i. 2, 41.</note> Servius, also, in his note on <foreign xml:lang="lat">Quique ob adulterium cæsi,</foreign> in the sixth book of the Æneid,<note anchored="true" place="foot">Ver. 612.</note> tells a like tale, adding that Sallust entered the house in the habit of a slave, and was caught in that disguise by <placeName key="tgn,1013243">Milo</placeName>.</p><p>Such being the case, it is not wonderful that when Sallust entered on his tribuneship of the people, to which lie was elected in the year of the city seven hundred, he seized an opportunity which occurred of being revenged on <placeName key="tgn,1013243">Milo</placeName>, who had shortly before killed Clodius. He joined with his colleagues, Pompeins Rufus and Plancus, in inflaming the populace, and charging Milo with premeditated hostility.<note anchored="true" place="foot">Ascon. Pedian. in Cic. Orat. pro Milo., c. 17; Cic. Mil., c. 5.</note> They intimidated <placeName key="tgn,2115507">Cicero</placeName>, <placeName key="tgn,1013243">Milo</placeName>'s advocate, insinuating that he had planned the assassination;<note anchored="true" place="foot">Ascon. Pedian. in Cic. Mil., c. 18.</note> and the matter ended in <placeName key="tgn,1013243">Milo</placeName>'s banishment.<note anchored="true" place="foot">Dion. Cap., lib. xl.</note> During the progress of the trial, however, it is said that Sallust abated his hostility to <placeName key="tgn,1013243">Milo</placeName> and <placeName key="tgn,2115507">Cicero</placeName>, and even became friendly with them.<note anchored="true" place="foot">Ascon. Ped. <foreign xml:lang="lat">ubi supra.</foreign></note> How this reconciliation was effected, does not appear; but it seems certain that <placeName key="tgn,2115507">Cicero</placeName>, when he attacked Plancus, Sallust's colleague, for exciting the populace to turbulence, left Sallust himself unmolested.<note anchored="true" place="foot">Ascon. Ped. in Cic. Mil., c. 85.</note></p><p>Unmolested, however, lie did not long remain; for in the year of the city seven hundred and four, in the censorship of Appius Claudius Pulcher, and Lucius Calpurnius Piso, Appius, actuated by two motives, one of which was to serve Pompey, by excluding from the senate such as were hostile to him,<note anchored="true" place="foot">Dion. Cap., xl. 63.</note> and the other to throw into the shade his own private irregularities by <pb n="xiii"/>an ostentatious discharge of his public duties,<note anchored="true" place="foot">Cic. Ep. ad Fam., viii. 14.</note> expelled Sallust from the senate on pretence that he was a flagrantly immoral character.<note anchored="true" place="foot">Dion., ib.</note></p><p>But Appius, by this proceeding, instead of serving Pompey, served Cæsar; for many who had previously been favorable to Pompey, or had continued neutral, betook themselves immediately to Cæsar's camp; in the number of whom was Sallust.<note anchored="true" place="foot">Pseudo-Cic. in Sail., c. 6. <placeName key="tgn,2062904">Gerlach</placeName>, Vit. Sall., p. 7.</note></p><p>His attendance on Cæsar did not go unrewarded; for when Cæsar returned from <placeName key="tgn,1000095">Spain</placeName>, after his victory over Afranius and Petreius, he restored Sallust, with others under similar circumstances,<note anchored="true" place="foot">Suet. J. Cæs., c. 41.</note> to his seat in the senate; and as it was not usual for a senator, who had been degraded from his rank, to be reinstated in it without being at the same time elected to an office, he was again made quæstor,<note anchored="true" place="foot">Pseudo-Cic., c. 6, 8.</note> or, as <placeName key="perseus,Dion">Dion</placeName> thinks, prætor.</p><p>He was then intrusted with some military command, and sent into <placeName key="tgn,7016683">Illyria</placeName>, where, as Orosius<note anchored="true" place="foot">Lib., vi. 15. Gerlach, Vit. Sall., p. 7.</note> states, he was one of those that were defeated by the Pomnpeian leaders Octavius and Libo.</p><p>Afterward, when the war in <placeName key="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName> and <placeName key="tgn,1000004">Asia</placeName> was finished, but while the remains of Pompey's army, headed by Scipio and Cato, were still menacing hostilities in <placeName key="tgn,7001242">Africa</placeName>, Sallust, with the title of prætor, was directed to conduct against them a body of troops from <placeName key="tgn,7003005">Campania</placeName>.<note anchored="true" place="foot"><placeName key="perseus,Dion">Dion</placeName>. <placeName key="tgn,2224859">Cass</placeName>., xlii. 52.</note> But Sallust was intrusted with more than he was able to perform. The soldiers mutinied on the coast, compelled him to flee, and hurried away to <placeName key="perseus,Rome">Rome</placeName>, putting to death two senators in their way., It was on this occasion that Cæsar humbled them by addressing them as <foreign xml:lang="lat">Quirites</foreign> instead of <foreign xml:lang="lat">commilitones.</foreign><note anchored="true" place="foot"><placeName key="perseus,Dion">Dion</placeName>., ib. Appian. B. C., ii. 92. Plut. in Cæs. Suet. J. Cæs., c. 10.</note></p><p>Sallust was then reinstated in command, and was sent, during the African war, to the island of <placeName key="tgn,7006523">Cercina</placeName>, to bring off a quantity of corn that had been deposited there by the enemy; a commission which he successfully executed.<note anchored="true" place="foot">Hirt. B. A., c. 8, 24.</note></p><p>Whether he performed any other service for Cæsar in this <pb n="xiv"/>war, we have no account; but Cæsar, when it was ended, thought him a person of such consequence, that he gave him the government of <placeName key="tgn,7016752">Numidia</placeName>, with the title of pro-consul. "He received the province from Cæsar," says <placeName key="perseus,Dion">Dion</placeName>, "nominally to govern it, but in reality to ravage and plunder it." Whether such was Cæsar's intention or not, it is generally believed that he enriched himself by the spoil of it to the greatest possible extent.<note anchored="true" place="foot"><placeName key="perseus,Dion">Dion</placeName>., xliii. 9. Pseudo-Cic., c. 7.</note></p><p>When his term of office, which seems to have been only a year, was expired, he "appeared at <placeName key="perseus,Rome">Rome</placeName>," says the declaimer, "like a man enriched in a dream." But the Numidians followed him, and accused him of extortion; a charge front which he was only acquitted through the interposition of Cæsar,<note anchored="true" place="foot"><placeName key="perseus,Dion">Dion</placeName>., xliii. 9.</note> to whom he is said to have presented a bribe.<note anchored="true" place="foot">Pseudo-Cic., c. 7.</note></p><p>The trial had not been long concluded when Cæsar was assassinated, and Sallust, being thus deprived of his patron, seems to have withdrawn entirely from public life. He purchased a large tract of ground on the Quirinal hill, where he erected a splendid mansion, and laid out those magnificent gardens of which so much has been related. Their extent must have been vast, if De Brosses, who visited the spot in <date when="1739">1739</date>, obtained any just notion of it.<note anchored="true" place="foot">De Brosses, Œuv. de Sall., vol. iii., p. 363.</note> But some have thought them much smaller. He had also a country-house at <placeName key="perseus,Tibur">Tibur</placeName>, which had belonged to Julius Cæsar.<note anchored="true" place="foot">Pseudo-Cic., c. 7.</note></p><p>It was during this period of retirement, as is supposed, that he married Terentia, the divorced wife of Cicero, if, indeed, he married her at all; for their union rests on no very strong testimony.<note anchored="true" place="foot">Hieronym. adv. Jovin., i. 48. Gerlach, vol. ii., p. 8. De Brosses, tom. iii. p. 355. Le Clerc, Vit. Sall.</note></p><p>It was at this time, too, it would appear, that he commenced the composition of history, with a view to the perpetuation of his name; for he entered on it, lie says, when his mind was free from "hope, fear, or political partisanship;"<note anchored="true" place="foot">Cat., c. 4.</note> and to no other time of his life are such expressions applicable. <placeName key="perseus,Dion">Dion</placeName> seems to have supposed <pb n="xv"/>that he appeared as a historian before he went to <placeName key="tgn,7016752">Numidia</placeName>, but is in all probability mistaken.</p><p>Sallust died on the thirteenth of May, in the year of the city seven hundred and eighteen, in the fifty-second year of his age,<note anchored="true" place="foot">Euseb. Chron. <placeName key="tgn,2244545">Clinton</placeName>, Fasti.</note> leaving his grand-nephew, Gains Sallustius Crispus, whom want of children had induced him to adopt, heir to all his possessions. His gardens, some years after his death, became imperial property.<note anchored="true" place="foot">See De Brosses, tom. iii. p. 368.</note></p><p>Such were the events, as far as we learn, of the life of Sallust; and such is the notion which the voice of antiquity teaches us to form of his moral character. In modern times, some attempts have been made to prove that he was less vicious than he was anciently represented.</p><p>Among those who have attempted to clear him of the charges usually brought against hin, are Miller,<note anchored="true" place="foot">C. Sallustius Crispus, <placeName key="tgn,7012329">Leipzig</placeName>, <date when="1817">1817</date>.</note> Wieland,<note anchored="true" place="foot">Ad. Hor. Sat., i. 2, 48.</note> and Roos;<note anchored="true" place="foot">Einige Bemerk, ub. den Moral Char. des Sallust. <foreign xml:lang="ger">Prog. Giessen.,</foreign> <date when="1788">1788</date>, 4to. See Frotscher's note on Le Clerc's Life of Sall., init.</note> who are strenuously opposed by Gerlach<note anchored="true" place="foot">Vit. Sall., p. 9, seq.</note> and Loebell.<note anchored="true" place="foot">Zur Beurtheilung des Sall., <placeName key="tgn,7007601">Breslau</placeName>, <date when="1818">1818</date>.</note> The points on which his champions chiefly endeavor to defend him, are the adventure with Fausta, and the spoliation of <placeName key="tgn,7016752">Numidia</placeName>. Of the three, Miller is the most enterprising. With regard to the affair of Fausta, he sets himself boldly to impugn the authority of Varro or Gellius, on which it chiefly rests; and his reasoning is as follows: That such writers as Gellius are not always to be trusted; that Gellius often quoted from memory; that he cites old authors on the testimony of later authors; that he speaks of Varro, <quote xml:lang="lat">fide homo multâ et gravis,</quote> as if he were a cotemporary that needed commendation, not the well-known Varro whose character was established; that the Varro of Gellius may therefore be a later Varro, whose book, "Pius," or "De Pace," may have been about Antoninus Pius, under whom Gellius lived, and who may have been utterly mistaken in what he said of Sallust; and that, consequently, the passage in Gellius is to be suspected. Respecting the plunder of <placeName key="tgn,7016752">Numidia</placeName>, his arguments are, that the <pb n="xvi"/>province was given to Sallust to spoil, not for himself, but for Cæsar; that of the money obtained from it, the chief part was given to Cæsar; and that, consequently, Cæsar, not Sallust, is to bear the blame for what was done.</p><p>But such conjectures produce no more impression on the mind of a reader than <placeName key="tgn,7000667">Walpole</placeName>'s " Historic Doubts" concerning Richard the Third. They suggest something that may have been, but bring no proof of what actually was; they may be allowed to be ingenious, but the general voice of history is still believed. To all Müller's suggestions Gerlach exclaims, <quote xml:lang="lat">Credat Judæus!</quote> Were there, in the pages of antiquity, a single record or remark favorable to the moral character of Sallust, there would then be a <foreign xml:lang="fre">point d'appui</foreign> from which to commence an attack on what is said against him; but the case, alas! is exactly the reverse; wherever Sallust is characterized as a man, he is characterized unfavorably.</p><p>His writings consisted of his narratives of the Conspiracy of Catiline and the War with Jugurtha, and of a History of <placeName key="tgn,7000874">Rome</placeName> in five books, extending from the death of Sylla to the beginning of the Mithridatic war. The Catiline and Jugurtha have reached us entire; but of the History there now remain only four speeches, two letters, and a number of smaller fragments preserved among the grammarians. That he was not the author of the Epistles to Cæsar, the reader will find satisfactorily shown in the remarks prefixed to the translation of them in the present volume.</p><p>Sallust is supposed to have formed his style on that of Thucydides;<note anchored="true" place="foot">Vell. Pat., i. 36.</note> but he has far excelled his model, if not in energy, certainly in conciseness and perspicuity, of expression. "The speeches of Thucydides," says Cicero,<note anchored="true" place="foot">Orat., c. 9.</note> "contain so many dark and intricate passages, that they are scarcely understood." No such complaint can be made of any part of the writings of Sallust. "From any sentence in Thucydides," says <placeName key="tgn,2652379">Seneca</placeName> the rhetorician,<note anchored="true" place="foot">Controvers., iv. 24.</note> "however remarkable for its conciseness, if a word or two be taken away, the sense will remain, if not equally ornate, yet equally entire; but from the periods of Sallust nothing can be <pb n="xvii"/>deducted without detriment to the meaning." <quote xml:lang="lat">Apud eruditas aures,</quote> says Quintilian,<note anchored="true" place="foot">Inst. Or., x. 1.</note> <quote xml:lang="lat">nihil potest esse perfectius.</quote></p><p>The defects of his style are, that he wants the <foreign xml:lang="lat">flumen orationis</foreign> so much admired in Livy and Herodotus;<note anchored="true" place="foot">Monboddo, Origin and Prog. of Language, vol. ii. p. 200.</note> that his transitions are often abrupt; and that he too much affects antique phraseology.<note anchored="true" place="foot">Quint. Inst. Or., viii. 3.</note> But no writer can combine qualities that are incompatible. He is justly preferred by Quintilian<note anchored="true" place="foot">Inst. Or., ii. 5.</note> to Livy, and well merits the praise given him by Tacitus<note anchored="true" place="foot">Ann., iii. 30.</note> and Martial,<note anchored="true" place="foot">xiv. 191.</note> of being <quote xml:lang="lat">rerum Romanarum florentissimus auctor,</quote> and <quote xml:lang="lat">Romanâ primus in historiâ.</quote></p><p>Of the numerous editions of Sallust, that of Cortius, which appeared at <placeName key="tgn,7012329">Leipsic</placeName> in <date when="1724">1724</date>, and has been often reprinted, long indisputably held the first rank. But Cortius, as an editor, was somewhat too fond of expelling from his text all words that he could possibly pronounce superfluous; and succeeding editors, as Gerlach (Basil. <date when="1823">1823</date>), Kritz (<placeName key="tgn,7012329">Leipsic</placeName>, 1834), and Dietsch (<placeName key="tgn,7012329">Leipsic</placeName>, 1846), have judiciously restored many words that he had discarded, and produced texts more acceptable in many respects to the generality of students.</p><p>Sallust has been many times translated into English. The versions most deserving notice are those of <placeName key="tgn,1050708">Gordon</placeName> (<date when="1744">1744</date>), Rose (<date when="1751">1751</date>), Murphy (<date when="1809">1809</date>), and Peacock (<date when="1845">1845</date>.) <placeName key="tgn,1050708">Gordon</placeName> has vigor, but wants polish; Rose is close and faithful but often dry and hard; Murphy is sprightly, but verbose and licentious, qualities in which his admirer, Sir Henry Steuart (<date when="1806">1806</date>), went audaciously beyond him; Mr. Peacock's translation is equally faithful with that of Rose, and far exceeds it in general ease and agreeableness of style.

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