Yet the Allobroges were long in suspense what course they should adopt. On the one hand, there was debt, an inclination for war, and great advantages to be expected from victory ;XLI. To be expected from victory] In spe victoriæ. on the other, superior resources, safe plans, and certain rewardsCertain rewards] Certa præmia. "Offered by the senate to those who should give information of the conspiracy. See c. 30."Kuhnhardt instead of uncertain expectations. As they were balancing these considerations, the good fortune of the state at length prevailed. They accordingly disclosed the whole affair, just as they had learned it, to Quintus Fabius Sanga,Quintus Fabius Sanga] "A descendent of that Fabius who, for having subdued the Allobroges, was surnamed Allobrogicus."Bernouf. Whole states often chose patrons as well as individuals. to whose patronage their state was very greatly indebted. Cicero, being apprized of the matter by Sanga, directed the deputies to pretend a strong desire for the success of the plot, to seek interviews with the rest of the conspirators, to make them fair promises, and to endeavor to lay them open to conviction as much as possible.

Much about the same time there were commotionsXLII. There were commotions] Motus erat. "Motus is also used by Cicero and Livy in the singular number for seditiones and tumultus. No change is therefore to be made in the text."Gerlach. "Motus bellicos intelligit, tumultus; ut Flor., iii. 13."Cortius. in Hither and Further Gaul, in the Picenian and Bruttian territories, and in Apulia. For those, whom Catiline had previously sent to those parts, had begun, without consideration, and seemingly with madness, to attempt every thing at once; and, by nocturnal meetings, by removing armor and weapons from place to place, and by hurrying and confusing every thing, had created more alarm than danger. Of these, Quintus Metellus Celer, the prætor, having brought several to trial,Having brought several to trial] Complures—caussâ cognitâ. "Caussam cognoscere is the legal phrase for examining as to the authors and causes of any crime."Dietsch. under the decree of the senate, had thrown them into prison, as had also Caius Muræna in Further Gaul,Caius Muræna in Further Gaul] In Ulteriore Galliâ C. Muræna. All the editions, previous to that of Cortius, have in citeriore Galliâ. " But C. Muræna," says the critic, " commanded in Gallia Transalpina, or Ulterior Gaul, as appears from Cic. pro Muræna, c. 41. To attribute such an error to a lapse of memory in Sallust, would be absurd. I have, therefore, confidently altered citeriore into ulteriore." The praise of having first discovered the error, however, is due, not to Cortius, but to Felicius Durantinus, a friend of Rivius, in whose note on the passage his discovery is recorded. who governed that province in quality of legate.

But at Rome, in the mean time, Lentulus, with the other leaders of the conspiracy, having secured what they thought a large force, had arranged, that as soon as Catiline should reach the neighborhood of Fæsulæ, Lucius Bestia, a tribune of the people, having called an assembly, should complain of the proceedings of Cicero, and lay the odium of this most oppressive war on the excellent consul ;XLIII. The excellent consul] Optimo consuli. With the exception of the slight commendation bestowed on his speech, luculentam atque utilem reipublicæ, c. 31, this is the only epithet of praise that Sallust bestows on the consul throughout his narrative. That it could be regarded only as frigid eulogy, is apparent from a passage in one of Cicero's letters to Atticus (xii. 21), in which he speaks of the same epithet having been applied to him by Brutus: " Brutus thinks that he pays me a great compliment when he calls me an excellent consul (optimum consulem); but what enemy could speak more coldly of me?" and that the rest of the conspirators, taking this as a signal, should, on the following night, proceed to execute their respective parts.

These parts are said to have been thus distributed. Statilius and Gabinius, with a large force, were to set on fire twelve. places of the city, convenient for their purpose,Twelve places of the city, convenient for their purpose] Duodecim—opportuna loca. Plutarch, in his Life of Cicero, says a hundred places. Few narratives lose by repetition. at the same time; in order that, during the consequent tumult,In order that, during the consequent tumult] Quò tumultu. "It is best," says Dietsch, "to take quo as the particula finalis (to the end that), and tumultu as the ablative of the instrument." an easier access might be obtained to the consul, and to the others whose destruction was intended; Cethegus was to beset the gate of Cicero, and attack him personally with violence; others were to single out other victims; while the sons of certain families, mostly of the nobility, were to kill their fathers; and, when all were in consternation at the massacre and conflagration, they were to sally forth to join Catiline.

While they were thus forming and settling their plans, Cethegus was incessantly complaining of the want of spirit in his associates; observing, that they wasted excellent opportunities through hesitation and delay;Delay] Dies prolatando. By putting off from day to day. that, in such an enterprise, there was need, not of deliberation, but of action; and that he himself, if a few would support him, would storm the senatehouse while the others remained inactive. Being naturally bold, sanguine, and prompt to act, he thought that success depended on rapidity of execution.

The Allobroges, according to the directions of Cicero, procured interviews, by means of Gabinius, with the other conspirators; and from Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius, and Cassius, they demanded an oath, which they might carry under seal to their countrymen, who otherwise would hardly join in so important an affair. To this the others consented without suspicion; but Cassius promised them soon to visit their country,XLIV. Soon to visit their country] Semet eò brevi venturum. "It is plain that the adverb relates to what precedes (ad cives); and that Cassius expresses an intention to set out for Gaul."Dietsch. and, indeed, left the city a little before the deputies.

In order that the Allobroges, before they reached home, might confirm their agreement with Catiline, by giving and receiving pledges of faith, Lentulus sent with them one Titus Volturcius, a native of Crotona, he himself giving Volturcius a letter for Catiline, of which the following is a copy:

"Who I am, you will learn from the person whom I have sent to you. Reflect seriously in how desperate a situation you are placed, and remember that you are a man.Remember that you are a man] Memineris te virum. Remember that you are a man, and ought to act as one. Cicero, in repeating this letter from memory (Orat. in Cat., iii. 5), gives the phrase, Cura ut vir sis. Consider what your views demand, and seek aid from all, even the lowest." In addition, he gave him this verbal message: "Since he was declared an enemy by the senate, for what reason should he reject the assistance of slaves ? That, in the city, every thing which he had directed was arranged; and that he should not delay to make nearer approaches to it."

Matters having proceeded thus far, and a night being appointed for the departure of the deputies, Cicero, being by them made acquainted with every thing, directed the prætors,XLV. The prætors] Prætoribus urbanis, the prætors of the city. Lucius Valerius Flaccus, and Caius Pomtinus, to arrest the retinue of the Allobroges, by laying in wait for them on the Milvian Bridge ;The Milvian Bridge] Ponte Mulvio. Now Ponte Molle. he gave them a full explanation of the object with which they were sent,Of the object with which they were sent] Rem—cujus gratiâ mittebantur. and left them to manage the rest as occasion might require. Being military men, they placed a force, as had been directed, without disturbance, and secretly invested the bridge; when the deputies, with Volturcius, came to the place, and a shout was raised from each side of the bridge,From each side of the bridge] Utrinque. "Utrinque," observes Cortius "glossæ MSS. exponunt ex utrâque parte pontis," and there is little doubt that the exposition is correct. No translator, however, before myself, has availed himself of it. the Gauls, at once comprehending the matter, surrendered themselves immediately to the prætors. Volturcius, at first, encouraging his companions, defended himself against numbers with his sword; but afterward, being unsupported by the Allobroges, he began earnestly to beg Pomtinus, to whom he was known, to save his life, and at last, terrified and despairing of safety, he surrendered himself to the prætors as unconditionally as to foreign enemies.

The affair being thus concluded, a full account of it was immediately transmitted to the consul by messengers. Great anxiety, and great joy, affected him at the same moment. He rejoiced that, by the discovery of the conspiracy, the state was freed from danger; but he was doubtful how he ought to act, when citizens of such eminence were detected in treason so atrocious. He saw that their punishment would be a weight upon himself, and their escape the destruction of the Commonwealth. Having, however, formed his resolution, he ordered Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius, Gabinius, and one Quintus Cæparius of Terracina, who was preparing to go to Apulia to raise the slaves, to be summoned before him. The others came without delay; but Cæparius, having left his house a little before, and heard of the discovery of the conspiracy, had fled from the city. The consul himself conducted Lentulus, as he was prætor, holding him by the hand, and ordered the others to be brought into the Temple of Concord, under a guard. Here he assembled the senate, and in a very full attendance of that body, introduced Volturcius with the deputies. Hither also he ordered Valerius Flaccus, the prætor, to bring the box with the lettersXLVI. The box with the letters] Scrinium cum literis. Litteræ may be rendered either letter or letters. There is no mention made previously of more letters than that of Lentulus to Catiline, c. 44. But as it is not likely that the deputies carried a box to convey only one letter, I have followed other translators by putting the word in the plural. The oath of the conspirators, too, which was a written document, was probably in the box. which he had taken from the deputies.

Volturcius, being questioned concerning his journey, concerning his letter,XLVII. His letter] Litteris. His own letter to Catiline, c. 44. So præter litteras a little below. and lastly, what object he had had in view,What object he had had in view, etc.] Quid, aut quâ de causâ, consilii habuisset. What design he had entertained, and from what motive he had entertained it. and from what motives he had acted, at first began to prevaricate,To prevaricate] Fingere alia. "To pretend other things than what had reference to the conspiracy."Bernouf. and to pretend ignorance of the conspiracy; but at length, when he was told to speak on the security of the public faith,On the security of the public faith] Fide publicâ. "Cicero pledged to him the public faith, with the consent of the senate; or engaged, in the name of the republic, that his life should be spared, if he would but speak the truth."Bernouf. he disclosed every circumstance as it had really occurred, stating that he had been admitted as an associate, a few days before, by Gabinius and Cæparius; that he knew no more than the deputies, only that he used to hear from Gabinius, that Publius Autronius, Servius Sylla, Lucius Vargunteius, and many others, were engaged in the conspiracy. The Gauls made a similar confession, and charged Lentulus, who began to affect ignorance, not only with the letter to Catiline, but with remarks which he was in the habit of making, "that the sovereignity of Rome, by the Sibylline books, was predestined to three Cornelii; that Cinna and Sylla had ruled already ;That Cinna and Sylla had ruled already] Cinnam atque Syllam antea. "Had ruled," or something similar, must be supplied. Cinna had been the means of recalling Marius from Africa, in conjunction with whom he domineered over the city, and made it a scene of bloodshed and desolation. and that he himself was the third, whose fate it would be to govern the city; and that this, too, was the twentieth year since the Capitol was burned; a year which the augurs, from certain omens, had often said would be stained with the blood of civil war."

The letter then being read, the senate, when all had previously acknowledged their seals,Their seals] Signa sua. "Leurs cachets, leurs sceaux."Bernouf. The Romans tied their letters round with a string, the knot of which they covered with wax, and impressed with a seal. To open the letter it was necessary to cut the string: "nos linum incidimus." Cic. Or. in Cat. iii. 5. See also C. Nep. Paus. 4, and Adam's Roman Antiquities. The seal of Lentulus had on it a likeness of one of his ancestors; see Cicero, loc. cit. decreed that Lentulus, being deprived of his office, should, as well as the rest, be placed in private custody.In private custody] In liberis custodiis. Literally, in "free custody," but "private custody" conveys a better notion of the arrangement to the mind of the English reader. It was called free because the persons in custody were not confined in prison. Plutarch calls it ὔδεσμον φυλακήν, as also Dion., cap. lviii. 3. See Tacit. Ann. vi. 3. It was adopted in the case of persons of rank and consideration. Lentulus, accordingly, was given in charge to Publius Lentulus Spinther, who was then ædile; Cethegus, to Quintus Cornificius; Statilius, to Caius Cæsar; Gabinius, to Marcus Crassus; and Cæparius, who had just before been arrested in his flight, to Cneius Terentius, a senator.

The common people, meanwhile, who had at first, from a desire of change in the government, been too much inclined to war, having, on the discovery of the plot, altered their sentiments, began to execrate the projects of Catiline, to extol Cicero to the skies; and, as if rescued from slavery, to give proofs of joy and exultation. Other effects of war they expected as a gain rather than a loss; but the burning of the city they thought inhuman, outrageous, and fatal, especially to themselves, whose whole property consisted in their daily necessaries and the clothes which they wore.

On the following day, a certain Lucius Tarquinius was brought before the senate, who was said to have been arrested as he was setting out to join Catiline. This person, having offered to give information of the conspiracy, if the public faith were pledged to him,XLVIII. If the public faith were pledged to him] Si fides publica data esset. See c. 47. and being directed by the consul to state what he knew, gave the senate nearly the same account as Volturcius had given, concerning the intended conflagration, the massacre of respectable citizens, and the approach of the enemy, adding that " he was sent by Marcus Crassus to assure Catiline that the apprehension of Lentulus, Cethegus, and others of the conspirators, ought not to alarm him, but that he should hasten, with so much the more expedition to the city, in order to revive the courage of the rest, and to facilitate the escape of those in custody."And to facilitate the escape of those in custody] Et illi facilius è periculo eriperentur. When Tarquinius named Crassus, a man of noble birth, of very great wealth, and of vast influence, some, thinking the statement incredible, others, though they supposed it true, yet, judging that at such a crisis a man of such powerA man of such power] Tanta vis hominis. So great power of the man. was rather to be soothed than irritated (most of them, too, from personal reasons, being under obligation to Crassus), exclaimed that he was " a false witness," and demanded that the matter should be put to the vote. Cicero, accordingly, taking their opinions, a full senate decreed " that the testimony of Tarquinius appeared false; that he himself should be kept in prison; and that no further liberty of speakingLiberty of speaking] Potestatem. "'Potestatem loquendi." Cyprianus Popma. As it did not appear that he spoke the truth, the pledge which the senate had given him, on condition that he spoke the truth, went for nothing; he was not allowed to continue his evidence, and was sent to prison. should be granted him, unless he should name the person at whose instigation he had fabricated so shameful a calumny."

There were some, at that time, who thought that this affair was contrived by Publius Autronius, in order that the interest of Crassus, if he were accused, might, from participation in the danger, more readily screen the rest. Others said that Tarquinius was suborned by Cicero, that Crassus might not disturb the state, by taking upon him, as was his custom,As was his custom] More suo. Plutarch, in his Life of Crassus, relates that frequently when Pompey, Cæsar, and Cicero, had refused to undertake the defense of certain persons, as being unworthy of their support, Crassus would plead in their behalf; and that he thus gained great popularity among the common people. the defense of the criminals. That this attack on his character was made by Cicero, I afterward heard Crassus himself assert.

Yet, at the same time, neither by interest, nor by solicitation, nor by bribes, could Quintus Catulus, and Caius Piso, prevail upon Cicero to have Caius Cæsar falsely accused, either by means of the Allobroges, or any other evidence. Both of these men were at bitter enmity with Cæsar; Piso, as having been attacked by him, when he was onXLIX. Piso, as having been attacked by him, when he was on, etc.] Piso, oppugnatus in judicio repetundarum propter cujusdam Transpadani supplicium injustum. Such is the reading and punctuation of Cortius. Some editions insert pecuniarum before repetundarum, and some a comma after it. I have interpreted the passage in conformity with the explanation of Kritzius, which seems to me the most judicious that has been offered. Oppugnatus, says he, is equivalent to gravitur vexatus, or violently assailed and Piso was thus assailed by Cæsar on account of his unjust execution of the Gaul; the words in judicio repetundarum merely mark the time when Cæsar's attack was made. While he was on his trial for one thing, he was attacked by Cæsar for another. Gerlach, observing that the words in judicio are wanting in one MS., would omit them, and make oppugnatus govern pecuniarum repetundarum, as if it were accusatus; a change which would certainly not improve the passage. The Galli Transpadani seem to have been much attached to Cæsar; see Cic. Ep. ad Att., v. 2; ad Fam. xvi. 12. his trial for extortion, on a charge of having illegally put to death a Transpadane Gaul; Catulus, as having hated him ever since he stood for the pontificate, because, at an advanced age, and after filling the highest offices, he had been defeated by Cæsar, who was then comparatively a youth.Comparatively a youth] Adolescentalo. Cæsar was then in the thirty-third, or, as some say, the thirty-seventh year of his age. See the note on this word, c. 8. The opportunity, too, seemed favorable for such an accusation; for Cæsar, by extraordinary generosity in private, and by magnificent exhibitions in public,By magnificent exhibitions in public] Publicè maximis muneribus. Shows of gladiators. had fallen greatly into debt. But when they failed to persuade the consul to such injustice, they themselves, by going from one person to another, and spreading fictions of their own, which they pretended to have heard from Volturcius or the Allobroges, excited such violent odium against him, that certain Roman knights, who were stationed as an armed guard round the Temple of Concord, being prompted, either by the greatness of the danger, or by the impulse of a high spirit, to testify more openly their zeal for the republic, threatened Cæsar with their swords as he went out of the senate-house.

While these occurrences were passing in the senate, and while rewards were being voted, an approbation of their evidence, to the Allobrogian deputies and to Titus Volturcius, the freedmen, and some of the other dependents of Lentulus, were urging the artisans and slaves, in various directions throughout the city,L. In various directions throughout the city] Variis itineribus—in vicis. Going hither and thither through the streets. to attempt his rescue; some, too, applied to the ringleaders of the mob, who were always ready to disturb the state for pay. Cethegus, at the same time, was soliciting, through his agents, his slavesSlaves] Familiam. "Servos suos, qui propriè familia." Cortius. Familia is a number of famuli. and freedmen, men trained to deeds of audacity, to collect themselves into an armed body, and force a way into his place of confinement.

The consul, when he heard that these things were in agitation, having distributed armed bodies of men, as the circumstances and occasion demanded, called a meeting of the senate, and desired to know " what they wished to be done concerning those who had been committed to custody." A full senate, however, had but a short time beforeA full senate, however, had but a short time before, etc.] The senate had already decreed that they were enemies to their country; Cicero now calls a meeting to ascertain what sentence should be passed on them. declared them traitors to their country. On this occasion, Decimus Junius Silanus, who, as consul elect, was first asked his opinion, movedOn this occasion—moved] Tunc—decreverat. The tunc (or as most editors have it, tum) must be referred to the second meeting of the senate, for it does not appear that any proposal concerning the punishment of the prisoners was made at the first meeting. There would be no doubt on this point, were it not for the pluperfect tense, decreverat. I have translated it as the perfect. We must suppose that Sallust had his thoughts on Cæsar's speech, which was to follow, and signifies that all this business had been done before Cæsar addressed the house. Kritzius thinks that the pluperfect was referred by Sallust, not to Cæsar's speech; but to the decree of the senate which was finally made; but this is surely a less satisfactory method of settling the matter. Sallust often uses the pluperfect, where his reader would expect the perfect; see, for instance, concusserat, at the beginning of c. 24. that capital punishment should be inflicted, not only on those who were in confinement, but also on Lucius Cassius, Publius Furius, Publius Umbrenus, and Quintus Annius, if they should be apprehended; but afterward, being influenced by the speech of Caius Cæsar, he said that he would go over to the opinion of Tiberius Nero,That he would go over to the opinion of Tiberius Nero] Pedibus in sententian Tib. Neronis—iturum. Any question submitted to the senate was decided by the majority of votes, which was ascertained either by numeratio, a counting of the votes, or by discessio, when those who were of one opinion, at the direction of the presiding magistrate, passed over to one side of the house, and those who were of the contrary opinion, to the other. See Aul. Gell. xiv. 7; Suet. Tib. 31; Adam's Rom. Ant.; Dr. Smith's Dictionary, Art. Senatus. had proposed that the guards should be increased, and that the senate should deliberate further on the matter. Cæsar, when it came to his turn, being asked his opinion by the consul, spoke to the following effect:

"It becomes all men,LI. It becomes all men, etc.] The beginning of this speech, attributed to Cæsar, is imitated from Demosthenes, Ηερὶ τῶν ἐν Χερσονήσῳ πραγμάτων: "It should be incumbent on all who speak before you, O Athenians, to advance no sentiment with any view either to enmity or to favor." Conscript Fathers, who deliberate on dubious matters, to be influenced neither by hatred, affection, anger, nor pity. The mind, when such feelings obstruct its view, can not easily see what is right; nor has any human being consulted, at the same moment, his passion and his interest. When the mind is freely exerted, its reasoning is sound; but passion, if it gain possession of it, becomes its tyrant, and reason is powerless.

"I could easily mention, Conscript Fathers, numerous examples of kings and nations, who, swayed by resentment or compassion, have adopted injudicious courses of conduct; but I had rather speak of these instances in which our ancestors, in opposition to the impulse of passion, acted with wisdom and sound policy.

"In the Macedonian war, which we carried on against king Perses, the great and powerful state of Rhodes, which had risen by the aid of the Roman people, was faithless and hostile to us; yet, when the war was ended, and the conduct of the Rhodians was taken into consideration, our forefathers left them unmolested lest any should say that war was made upon them for the sake of seizing their wealth, rather than of punishing their faithlessness. Throughout the Punic war, too, though the Carthaginians, both during peace and in suspension of arms, were guilty of many acts of injustice, yet our ancestors never took occasion to retaliate, but considered rather what was worthy of themselves, than what might be justly inflicted on their enemies.

"Similar caution, Conscript Fathers, is to be observed by yourselves, that the guilt of Lentulus, and the other conspirators, may not have greater weight with you than your own dignity, and that you may not regard your indignation more than your character. If, indeed, a punishment adequate to their crimes be discovered, I consent to extraordinary measures;I consent to extraordinary measures] Novum consilium adprobo. "That is, I consent that you depart from the usage of your ancestors, by which Roman citizens were protected from death."Bernouf. but if the enormity of their crime exceeds whatever can be devised,Whatever can be devised] Omnium ingenia. I think that we should inflict only such penalties as the laws have provided.

"Most of those, who have given their opinions before me, have deplored, in studied and impressive language,Studied and impressive language] Compositè. atque magnificè. Compositè, in language nicely put together; elegantly. Magnificè, in striking or imposing terms. Compositè is applied to the speech of Cæsar, by Cato, in the following chapter. the sad fate that threatens the republic; they have recounted the barbarities of war, and the afflictions that would fallon the vanquished; they have told us that maidens would be dishonored, and youths abused; that children would be torn from the embraces of their parents; that matrons would be subjected to the pleasure of the conquerors; that temples and dwelling-houses would be plundered; that massacres and fires would follow; ane that every place would be filled with arms, corpses, blood, and lamentation. But to what end, in the name of the eternal gods! was such eloquence directed? Was it intended to render you indignant at the conspiracy? A speech, no doubt, will inflame him whom so frightful and monstrous a reality has not provoked! Far from it: for to no man does evil, directed against himself, appear a light matter; many, on the contrary, have felt it more seriously than was right.

"But to different persons, Conscript Fathers, different degrees of license are allowed. If those who pass a life sunk in obscurity, commit any error, through excessive angel, few become aware of it, for their fame is as limited as their fortune; but of those who live invested with extensive power, and in an exalted station, the whole world knows the proceedings. Thus in the highest position there is the least liberty of action; and it becomes us to indulge neither partiality nor aversion, but least of all animosity; for what in others is called resentment, is in the powerful termed violence and cruelty.

"I am indeed of opinion, Conscript Fathers, that the utmost degree of torture is inadequate to punish their crime; but the generality of mankind dwell on that which happens last, and, in the case of malefactors, forget their guilt, and talk only of their punishment, should that punishment have been inordinately severe. I feel assured, too, that Decimus Silanus, a man of spirit and resolution, made the suggestions which he offered, from zeal for the state, and that he had no view, in so important a matter, to favor or to enmity; such I know to be his character, and such his discretion.Such I know to be his character, such his discretion] Eos mores, earn modestiam viri cognovi. I have translated modestiam, discretion, which seems to be the proper meaning of the word. Beauzée renders it prudence, and adds a note upon it, which may be worth transcription. "I translate modestia," says he, "by prudence, and think myself authorized to do so. Sic definitur à Stoicis, says Cicero (De Off. i. 40), ut modestia sit sicentia earum rerum, quæ agentur, aut dicentur, loco suo collocandarum; and shortly afterward, Sic fit ut modestia scientia sit opportunitatis idoneorum ad agendum temporum. And what is understood in French by prudence? It is, according to the Dictionary of the Academy, 'a virtue by which we discern and practice what is proper in the conduct of life.' This is almost a translation of the words of Cicero." Yet his proposal appears to me, I will not say cruel (for what can be cruel that is directed against such characters?), but foreign to our policy. For assuredly, Silanus, either your fears, or their treason, must have induced you, a consul elect, to propose this new kind of punishment. Of fear it is unnecessary to speak, when by the prompt activity of that distinguished man our consul, such numerous forces are under arms; and as to the punishment, we may say, what is indeed the truth, that in trouble and distress, death is a relief from suffering, and not a torment;That—death is a relief from suffering, not a torment, etc.] This Epicurean doctrine prevailed very much at Rome in Cæsar's time, and afterward. We may very well suppose Cæsar to have been a sincere convert to it. Cato alludes to this passage in the speech which follows; as also Cicero, in his fourth Oration against Catiline, c. 4. See, for opinions on this point, the first book of Cicero's Tusculan Questions. that it puts an end to all human woes; and that, beyond it, there is no place either for sorrow or joy.

"But why, in the name of the immortal gods, did you not add to your proposal, Silanus, that, before they were put to death, they should be punished with the scourge? Was it because the Porcian lawThe Porcian law] Lex Portia. A law proposed by P. Porcius Læca, one of the tribunes, A. U. C. 454, which enacted that no one should bind, scourge, or kill a Roman citizen. See Liv., x. 9; Cic. pro. Rabir., 3, 4; Verr., v. 63; de Rep., ii, 31. forbids it? But other lawsOther laws] Aliæ leges. So Cæsar says below, "Tum lex Porcia aliæque paratæ, quibus legibus auxilium damnatis permissum;" what other laws these were is uncertain. One of them, however, was the Sempronian law, proposed by Caius Gracchus, which ordained that sentence should not be passed on the life of a Roman citizen without the order of the people. See Cic. pro Rabir. 4. So "O lex Porcia legesque Semproniæ!" Cic. in Verr., v. 63. forbid condemned citizens to be deprived of life, and allow them to go into exile. Or was it because scourging is a severer penalty than death? Yet what can be too severe, or too harsh, toward men convicted of such an offense? But if scourging be a milder punishment than death, how is it consistent to observe the law as to the smaller point, when you disregard it as to the greater?

"But who it may be asked, will blame any severity that shall be decreed against these parricidesParricides] See c. 14, 32. of their country? I answer that time, the course of events,The course of events] Dies. "Id est, temporis momentum (der verän derte Zeitpunkt)."Dietsch. Things change, and that which is approved at one period, is blamed at another. Tempus and dies are sometimes joined (Liv., xxii. 39, ii. 45), as if not only time in general, but particular periods, as from day to day, were intended. and fortune, whose caprice governs nations, may blame it. Whatever shall fall on the traitors, will fall on them justly; but it is for you, Conscript Fathers, to consider well what you resolve to inflict on others. All precedents productive of evil effects,All precedents productive of evil effects] Omnia mala exempla. Examples of severe punishments are meant. have had their origin from what was good; but when a government passes into the hands of the ignorant or unprincipled, any new example of severity,Any new example of severity, etc.] Novum illud exemplum ab dignis et idoneis ad indignos et non idoneos transferetur. Gerlach, Kritzius, Dietsch, and Bernouf, agree to giving to this passage the sense which is given in the translation. Digni and idonei are here used in a bad sense, for digni et idonei qui pænâ afficiantur, deserving and fit objects for punishment. inflicted on deserving and suitable objects, is extended to those that are improper and undeserving of it. The Lacedæmonians, when they had conquered the Athenians,When they had conquered the Athenians] At the conclusion of the Peloponnesian war. appointed thirty men to govern their state. These thirty began their administration by putting to death, even without a trial, all who were notoriously wicked, or publicly detestable; acts at which the people rejoiced, and extolled their justice. But afterward, when their lawless power gradually increased, they proceeded, at their pleasure, to kill the good and the bad indiscriminately, and to strike terror into all; and thus the state, overpowered and enslaved, paid a heavy penalty for its imprudent exultation.

"Within our own memory, too, when the victorious Sylla ordered Damasippus,Damasippus] "He, in the consulship of Caius Marius, the younger, and Cneius Carbo, was city prætor, and put to death some of the most eminent senators, a short time before the victory of Sylla. See Veil. Paterc. ii. 26." Bernouf. and others of similar character, who had risen by distressing their country, to be put to death, who did not commend the proceeding? All exclaimed that wicked and factious men, who had troubled the state with their seditious practices, had justly forfeited their lives. Yet this proceeding was the commencement of great bloodshed. For whenever any one coveted the mansion or villa, or even the plate or apparel of another, he exerted his influence to have him numbered among the proscribed. Thus they, to whom the death of Damasippus had been a subject of joy, were soon after dragged to death themselves; nor was there any cessation of slaughter, until Sylla had glutted all his partisans with riches.

"Such excesses, indeed, I do not fear from Marcus Tullius, or in these times. But in a large state there arise many men of various dispositions. At some other period, and under another consul, who, like the present, may have an army at his command, some false accusation may be credited as true; and when, with our example for a precedent, the consul shall have drawn the sword on the authority of the senate, who shall stay its progress, or moderate its fury?

"Our ancestors, Conscript Fathers, were never deficient in conduct or courage; nor did pride prevent them from imitating the customs of other nations, if they appeared deserving of regard. Their armor, and weapons of war, they borrowed from the Samnites; their ensigns of authority,Ensigns of authority] Insignia magistratum. "The fasces and axes of the twelve lictors, the robe adorned with purple, the curule chair, and the ivory scepter. For the Etrurians, as Dionysius Halicarnassensis relates, having been subdued, in a nine years' war, by Tarquinius Priscus, and having obtained peace on condition of submitting to him as their sovereign, presented him with the insignia of their own monarchs. See Strabo, lib. v.; Florus, i. 5." Kuhnhardt. for the most part, from the Etrurians; and, in short, whatever appeared eligible to them, whether among allies or among enemies, they adopted at home with the greatest readiness, being more inclined to emulate merit than to be jealous of it. But at the same time, adopting a practice from Greece, they punished their citizens with the scourge, and inflicted capital punishment on such as were condemned. When the republic, however, became powerful, and faction grew strong from the vast number of citizens, men began to involve the innocent in condemnation, and other like abuses were practiced; and it was then that the Porcian and other laws were provided, by which condemned citizens were allowed to go into exile. This lenity of our ancestors, Conscript Fathers, I regard as a very strong reason why we should not adopt any new measures of severity. For assuredly there was greater merit and wisdom in those, who raised so mighty an empire from humble means, than in us, who can scarcely preserve what they so honorably acquired. Am I of opinion, then, you will ask, that the conspirators should be set free, and that the army of Catiline should thus be increased? Far from it; my recommendation is, that their property be confiscated, and that they themselves be kept in custody in such of the municipal towns as are best able to bear the expense;Best able to bear the expense] Maximè opibus valent. Are possessed of most resources. that no one hereafter bring their case before the senate, or speak on it to the people; and that the senate now give their opinion, that he who shall act contrary to this, will act against the republic and the general safety."

When Cæsar had ended his speech, the rest briefly expressed their assent,LII. The rest briefly expressed their assent, etc.] Cæteri verbo, alius alii, variè assentiebantur. Verbo assentiebantur signifies that they expressed their assent merely by a word or two, as assentior Silano, assentior Tiberio Neroni, aut Cæsari, the three who had already spoken. Variè, "in support of their different proposals." some to one speaker, and some to another, in support of their different proposals; but Marcius Porcius Cato, being asked his opinion, made a speech to the following purport:

"My feelings, Conscript Fathers, are extremely different,My feelings, Conscript Fathers, are extremely different, etc.] Longè mihi alia mens est, P. C., etc. The commencement of Cato's speech is evidently copied from the beginning of the third Olynthiac of Demosthenes: "I am by no means affected in the same manner, Athenians, when I review the state of our affairs, and when I attend to those speakers who have now declared their sentiments. They insist that we should punish Philip, but our affairs, situated as they now appear, warn us to guard against the dangers with which we ourselves are threatened."Leland. when I contemplate our circumstances and dangers, and when I revolve in my mind the sentiments of some who have spoken before me. Those speakers, as it seems to me, have considered only how to punish the traitors who have raised war against their country, their parents, their altars, and their homes;Their altars and their homes] Aris atque focis suis. "When aræ and foci are joined, beware of supposing that they are to be distinguished as referring the one (aræ) to the public temples, and the other (foci) to private dwellings. * * * Both are to be understood of private houses, in which the ara belonged to the Dii Penates, and was placed in the impluvium in the inner part of the house; the focus was dedicated to the lares, and was in the halt." Ernesti, Clav. Cic., sub. v. Ara. Of the commentators on Sallust, Kritzius is, I believe, the only one who has concurred in this notion of Ernesti; Langius and Dietsch (with Cortius) adhere to the common opinion that aræ are the public altars. Dietsch refers, for a complete refutation of Ernesti, to G. A. B. Hertzberg de Diis Romanorum Penatibus, Halæ, 1840, p. 64; a book which I have not seen. Certainly, in the observation of Cicero ad Att., vii. 11, "Non est respublica in parietibus, sed in aris et focis," aræ must be considered (as Schiller observes) to denote the public altars and national religion. See Schiller's Lex. v. Ara. but the state of affairs warns us rather to secure ourselves against them, than to take counsel as to what sentence we should pass upon them. Other crimes you may punish after they have been committed; but as to this, unless you prevent its commission, you will, when it has once taken effect, in vain appeal to justice.In vain appeal to justice] Frusta judicia implores. Judicia, trials, to procure the inflictions of legal penalties. When the city is taken, no power is left to the vanquished.

"But, in the name of the immortal gods, I call upon you, who have always valued your mansions and villas, your statues and pictures, at a higher price than the welfare of your country; if you wish to preserve those possessions, of whatever kind they are, to which you are attached; if you wish to secure quiet for the enjoyment of your pleasures, arouse yourselves, and act in defense of your country. We are not now debating on the revenues, or on injuries done to our allies, but our liberty and our life is at stake.

"Often, Conscript Fathers, have I spoken at great length in this assembly; often have I complained of the luxury and avarice of our citizens, and, by that very means, have incurred the displeasure of many. I, who never excused to myself, or to my own conscience, the commission of any fault, could not easily pardon the misconduct,Could not easily pardon the misconduct, etc.] Hand facile alterius lubidini maleafacta condonabam. "Could not easily forgive the licentiousness of another its evil deeds." or indulge the licentiousness, of others. But though you little regarded my remonstrances, yet the republic remained secure; its own strengthYet the republic remained secure; its own strength, etc.] Tamen respublica firma, opulentia neglegentiam tolerabat. This is Cortius's reading; some editors, as Havercamp, Kritzius, and Dietsch, insert erat after firma. Whether opulentia is the nominative or ablative, is disputed. "Opulentia," says Allen, "casum sextum intellige, et repete respublica (ad tolerabat)." "Opulentia," says Kritzius, "melius nominativo capiendum videtur; nam que sequuntur verba novam enunciationem efficient." I have preferred to take it as a nominative. was proof against your remissness. The question, however, at present under discussion, is not whether we live in a good or a bad state of morals; nor how great, or how splendid, the empire of the Roman people is; but whether these things around us, of whatever value they are, are to continue our own, or to fall, with ourselves, into the hands of the enemy.

"In such a case, does any one talk to me of gentleness and compassion? For some time past, it is true, we have lost the real name of things;We have lost the real names of things, etc.] Imitated from Thuydides, iii. 32: Και τὴν ἐιωθὺιαν ὐξιωσιν τῶν ὀνομάτων ἐζ τὺ ἔργα ἀντήλλαξαν τῆ "The ordinary meaning of words was changed by then as they thought proper. For reckless daring was regarded as courage that was true to its friends; prudent delay, as specious cowardice; moderation, as a cloak for unmanliness; being intelligent in every thing, as being useful for nothing." Dale's translation: Bohn's Classical Library. for to lavish the property of others is called generosity, and audacity in wickedness is called heroism; and hence the state is reduced to the brink of ruin. But let those, who thus misname things; be liberal, since such is the practice, out of the property of our allies; let them be merciful to the robbers of the treasury; but let them not lavish our blood, and, while they spare a few criminals, bring destruction on all the guiltless.

"Caius CAæsar, a short time ago, spoke in fair and elegant language,Elegant language] Compositè. See above, c. 51. before this assembly, on the subject of life and death; considering as false, I suppose, what is told of the dead; that the bad, going a different way from the good, inhabit places gloomy, desolate, dreary, and full of horror. He accordingly proposed that the property of the conspirators should be confiscated, and themselves kept in custody in the municipal towns; fearing, it seems, that, if they remain at Rome, they may be rescued either by their accomplices in the conspiracy, or by a hired mob; as if, forsooth, the mischievous and profligate were to be found only in the city, and not through the whole of Italy, or as if desperate attempts would not be more likely to succeed where there is less power to resist them. His proposal, therefore, if he fears any danger from them, is absurd; but if, amid such universal terror, he alone is free from alarm, it the more concerns me to fear for you and myself.

"Be assured, then, that when you decide on the fate of Lentulus and the other prisoners, you at the same time determine that of the army of Catilihe, and of all the conspirators. The more spirit you display in your decision, the more will their confidence be diminished; but if they shall perceive you in the smallest degree irresolute, they will advance upon you with fury.

"Do not suppose that our ancestors, from so small a commencement, raised the republic to greatness merely by force of arms. If such had been the case, we should enjoy it in a most excellent condition;In a most excellent condition] Multo pulcherrumam. See c. 36. for of allies and citizens,For of allies and citizens, etc.] Imitated from Demosthenes, Philipp tn. 4. as well as arms and horses, we have a much greater abundance than they had. But there were other things which made them great, but which among us have no existence; such as industry at home, equitable government abroad, and minds impartial in council, uninfluenced by any immoral or improper feeling. Instead of such virtues, we have luxury and avarice; public distress, and private superfluity; we extol wealth, and yield to indolence; no distinction is made between good men and bad; and ambition usurps the honors due to virtue. Nor is this wonderful; since you study each his individual interest, and since at home you are slaves to pleasure, and here to money or favor; and hence it happens that an attack is made on the defenseless state.

"But on these subjects I shall say no more. Certain citizens, of the highest rank, have conspired to ruin their country; they are engaging the Gauls, the bitterest foes of the Roman name, to join in a war against us; the leader of the enemy is ready to make a descent upon us; and do you hesitate, even in such circumstances, how to treat armed incendiaries arrested within your walls? I advise you to have mercy upon themI advise you to have mercy upon them] Misereamini censeo, i.e., censeo ut misereamini, spoken ironically. Most translators have taken the words in the sense of "You would take pity on them, I suppose," or something similar. they are young men who have been led astray by ambition; send them away, even with arms in their hands. But such mercy, and such clemency, if they turn those arms against you, will end in misery to yourselves. The case is, assuredly, dangerous, but you do not fear it; yes, you fear it greatly, but you hesitate how to act, through weakness and want of spirit, waiting one for another, and trusting to the immortal gods, who have so often preserved your country in the greatest dangers. But the protection of the gods is not obtained by vows and effeminate supplications; it is by vigilance, activity, and prudent measures, that general welfare is secured. When you are once resigned to sloth and indolence, it is in vain that you implore the gods; for they are then indignant and threaten vengeance.

"In the days of our forefathers, Titus Manlius Torquatus, during a war with the Gauls, ordered his own son to be put to death, because he had fought with an enemy contrary to orders. That noble youth suffered for excess of bravery; and do you hesitate what sentence to pass on the most inhuman of traitors? Perhaps their former life is at variance with their present crime. Spare, then, the dignity of Lentulus, if he has ever spared his own honor or character, or had any regard for gods or for men. Pardon the youth of Cethegus, unless this be the second time that he has made war upon his country.Unless this be the second time that he has made war upon his country] "Cethegus first made war ou his country in conjunction with Marius."Bernouf. Whether Sallust alludes to this, or intimates (as Gerlach thinks) that he was engaged in the first conspiracy, is doubtful. As to Gabinius, Statilius, Cæparius, why should I make any remark upon them? Had they ever possessed the smallest share of discretion, they would never have engaged in such a plot against their country.

"In conclusion, Conscript Fathers, if there were time to amend an error, I might easily suffer you, since you disregard words, to be corrected by experience of consequences. But we are beset by dangers on all sides; Catiline, with his army, is ready to devour us;Is ready to devour us] Faucibus urget. Cortius, Kritzius, Gerlach, Burnouf, Allen, and Dietsch, are unanimous in interpreting this as a metaphorical expression, alluding to a wild beast with open jaws ready to spring upon its prey. They support this interpretation by Val. Max., v. 3: "Faucibus apprehensam rempublicam;" Cic. pro. Cluent., 31: "Quum faucibus premetur;" and Plaut. Casin. v. 3, 4, "Manifesto faucibus teneor." Some editors have read in faucibus, and understood the words as referring to the jaws or narrow passes of Etruria, where Catilme was with his army. while there are other enemies within the walls, and in the heart of the city; nor can any measures be taken, or any plans arranged, without their knowledge. The more necessary is it, therefore, to act with promptitude. What I advise, then, is this: that since the state, by a treasonable combination of abandoned citizens, has been brought into the greatest peril; and since the conspirators have been convicted on the evidence of Titus Volturcius, and the deputies of the Allobroges, and on their own confession, of having concerted massacres, conflagrations, and other horrible and cruel outrages, against their fellow-citizens and their country, punishment be inflicted, according to the usage of our ancestors, on the prisoners who have confessed their guilt, as on men convicted of capital crimes."

When Cato had resumed his seat, all the senators of consular dignity, and a great part of the rest,LIII. All the senators of consular dignity, and a great part of the rest] Consulares omnes, itemque senatús magna pars. "As the consulars were senators, the reader would perhaps expect Sallust to have said reliqui senatûs, but itemque is equivalent to et præter eos."Dietsch. applauded his opinion, and extolled his firmness of mind to the skies. With mutual reproaches, they accused one another of timidity, while Cato was regarded as the greatest and noblest of men; and a decree of the senate was made as he had advised.

After reading and hearing of the many glorious achievements which the Roman people had performed at home and in the field, by sea as well as by land, I happened to be led to consider what had been the great foundation of such illustrious deeds. I knew that the Romans had frequently, with small bodies of men, encountered vast armies of the enemy; I was aware that they had carried on warsThat they had carried on wars] Bella gesta. That wars had been carried on by them. with limited forces against powerful sovereigns; that they had often sustained, too, the violence of adverse fortune; yet that, while the Greeks excelled them in eloquence, the Gauls surpassed them in military glory. After much reflection, I felt convinced that the eminent virtue of a few citizens had been the cause of all these successes; and hence it had happened that poverty had triumphed over riches, and a few over a multitude. And even in later times, when the state had become corrupted by luxury and indolence, the republic still supported itself, by its own strength, under the misconduct of its generals and magistrates; when, as if the parent stock were exhausted,As if the parent stock were exhausted] Sicuti effæta parentum. This is the reading of Cortius, which he endeavors to explain thus: "Ac sicuti effæta parens, inter parentes, sese habere solet, ut nullos amplius liberas proferat, sic Roma sese habuit, ubi multis tempestatibus nemo virtute magnus fuit." "Est," he adds, "or solet esse, or sese habere solet, may very well be understood from the fuit which follows." But all this only serves to show what a critic may find to say in defense of a reading to which he is determined to adhere. All the MSS., indeed, have parentum, except one, which has parente. Dietsch thinks that some word has been lost between effæta and parentum, and proposes to read sicuti effæta ætate parentum, with the sense, as if the age of the parents were too much exhausted to produce strong children. Kritzius, from a suggestion of Cortius (or rather of his predecessor, Rupertus), reads effætæ parentum (the effætæ agreeing with Romæ which follows), considering the sense to be the same as effætæ parentis—as divina dearum for divina dea, etc. Gerlach retains the reading of Cortius, and adopts his explanation (4to. ed., 1827), but says that the explicatio may seem durior, and that it is doubtful whether we ought not to have recourse to the effæta parente of the old critics. Assuredly if we retain parentum, effætæ is the only reading that we can well put with it. We may compare with it loca nuda gignentium, (Jug. c. 79), i.e. "places bare of objects producing anything." Gronovius knew not what to do with the passage, called it locus intellectus nemini, and at last decided on understanding virtute with effætæ parentum, which, pace tanti viri, and although Allen has followed him, is little better than folly. The concurrence of the majority of manuscripts in giving parentum makes the scholar unwilling to set it aside. However, as no one has explained it satisfactorily even to himself, I have thought it better, with Dietsch, to regard it a scriptura non ferenda, and to acquiesce, with Glareanus, Rivius, Burnouf, and the Bipont edition, in the reading effætâ parente. there was certainly not produced at Rome, for many years, a single citizen of eminent ability. Within my recollection, however, there arose two men of remarkable powers, though of very different character, Marcus Cato and Caius Cæsar, whom, since the subject has brought them before me, it is not my intention to pass in silence, but to describe, to the best of my ability, the disposition and manners of each.

Their birth, age, and eloquence, were nearly on an equality; their greatness of mind similar, as was also their reputation, though attained by different means.LIV. Though attained by different means] Sed alia alii. "Alii alia gloria," for altera alteri. So Livy, i. 21: Duo reges, alius aliâ via. Cæsar grew eminent by genesroity and munificence; Cato by the integrity of his life. Cæsar was esteemed for his humanity and benevolence; austereness had given dignity to Cato. Cæsar acquired renown by giving, relieving, and pardoning; Cato by bestowing nothing. In Cæsar, there was a refuge for the unfortunate; in Cato, destruction for the bad. In Cæsar, his easiness of temper was admired; in Cato, his firmness. Cæsar, in fine, had applied himself to a life of energy and activity; intent upon the interest of his friends, he was neglectful of his own; he refused nothing to others that was worthy of acceptance, while for himself he desired great power, the command of an army, and a new war in which his talents might be displayed. But Cato's ambition was that of temperance, discretion, and, above all, of austerity; he did not contend in splendor with the rich, or in faction with the seditious, but with the brave in fortitude, with the modest in simplicity,Simplicity] Pudore. The word here seems to mean the absence of display and ostentation. with the temperateWith the temperate] Cum innocente. "That is cum integro et abstinente. For innocentia is used for abstinentia, and opposed to avaritia. See Cic. pro Lege Maml., c. 13."Bernouf. in abstinence; he was more desirous to be, than to appear, virtuous; and thus, the less he courted popularity, the more it pursued him.

When the senate, as I have stated, had gone over to the opinion of Cato, the counsel, thinking it best not to wait till night, which was coring on, lest any new attempts should be made during the interval, ordered the triumvirsLV. The triumvirs] Triumviros. The triumviri capitales who had the charge of the prison and of the punishment of the condemned. They performed their office by deputy, Val. Max., v. 4, 7. to make such preparations as the execution of the conspirators required. He himself, having posted the necessary guards, conducted Lentulus to the prison; and the same office was performed for the rest by the prætors.

There is a place in the prison, which is called the Tullian dungeon,The Tullian dungeon] Tullianum. Tullianum is an adjective, with which robur must be understoood, as it was originally constructed, wholly or partially, with oak. See Festus, sub voce Robum or Robur: his words are arcis robustis incluaebatur, of which the sense is not very clear. The prison at Rome was built by Ancus Marcius, and enlarged by Servius Tullius, from whom this part of it had its name; Varro de L. L., iv. 33. It is now transformed into a subterranean chapel, beneath a small church erected over it, called San Pietro in Carcere. De Brosses and Eustace both visited it; See Eustace's Classical Tour, vol. i. p. 260, in the Family Library. See also Wasse's note on this passage. and which, after a slight ascent to the left, is sunk about twelve feet under ground. Walls secure it on every side, and over it is a vaulted roof connected with stone arches;A vaulted roof connected with stone arches] Camera lapideis fornicibus vincta. "That camera was a roof curved in the form of a testudo, is generally admitted; see Vitruv. vii. 3; Varr., R. R. iii. 7, init."Dietsch. The roof is now arched in the usual way. but its appearance is disgusting and horrible, by reason of the filth, darkness, and stench. When Lentulus had been let down into this place, certain men, to whom orders had been given,Certain men, to whom orders had been given] Quibus præceptum erat. The editions of Havercamp, Gerlach, Kritzius, and Dietsch, have vindices rerum capitalium, quibus, etc. Cortius ejected the first three words from his text as an intruded gloss. If the words be genuine, we must consider these vindices to have been the deputies, or lictors, of the triumvirs mentioned above. strangled him with a cord. Thus this patrician, who was of the illustrious family of the Cornelli, and who filled the office of consul at Rome, met with an end suited to his character and conduct. On Cethegus, Statilius, Gabinius, and Cæparius, punishment was inflicted in a similar manner.

During these proceedings at Rome, Catiline, out of the entire force which he himself had brought with him, and that which Manlius had previously collected, formed two legions, filling up the cohorts as far as his number would allow;LVI. As far as his numbers would allow] Pro numero militum. He formed his men into two bodies, which he called legions, and divided each legion, as was usual, into ten cohorts, putting into each cohort as many men as he could. The cohort of a full legion consisted of three maniples, or six hundred men; the legion would then be six thousand men. But the legions were seldom so large as this; they varied at different periods, from six thousand to three thousand; in the time of Polybius they were usually four thousand two hundred. See Adam's Rom. Ant., and Lipsius de Mil. Rom Dial. iv. and afterward, as any volunteers, or recruits from his confederates,From his confederates] Ex sociis. "Understand, not only the leaders in the conspiracy, but those who, in c. 35, are said to have set out to join Catiline, though not at that time exactly implicated in the plot."Kritzius. It is necessary to notice this, because Cortius erroneously supposes sociis to mean the allies of Rome. Dahl, Longius, Muller, Bernouf, Gerlach, and Dietsch, all interpret in the same manner as Kritzius. arrived in his camp, he distributed them equally throughout the cohorts, and thus filled up his legions, in a short time, with their regular number of men, though at first he had not more than two thousand. But, of his whole army, only about a fourth part had the proper weapons of soldiers; the rest, as chance had equipped them, carried darts, spears, or sharpened stakes.

As Antonius approached with his army, Catiline directed his march over the hills, encamping, at one time, in the direction of Rome, at another in that of Gaul. He gave the enemy no opportunity of fighting, yet hoped himself shortly to find one,Hoped himself shortly to find one] Sperabat propediem sese habiturum. Other editions, as those of Havercamp, Gerlach, Kritzius, Dietsch, and Bernouf, have the words magnas copias before sese. Cortius struck them out, observing that copiæ occurred too often in this chapter, and that in one MS. they were wanting. One manuscript, however, was insufficient authority for discarding them; and the phrase suits much better with what follows, si Romæ socii incepta patravissent, if they are retained. if his accomplices at Rome should succeed in their objects. Slaves, meanwhile, of whom vast numbersSlaves—of whom vast numbers, etc.] Servitia—cujus—magnæ copiæ. "Cujus," says Priscian (xvii. 20, vol. ii., p. 81, ed. Krehl), "is referred ad rem, that is cujus rei servitiorum." Servorum or hominum genus, is, perhaps, rather what Sallust had in his mind, as the subject of his relation. Gerlach adduces as an expression most nearly approaching to Sallust's, Thucyd., iii. 92; Καὶ Δωριείζ, ἡ μητρόπολιζ τῶν had at first flocked to him, he continued to reject, not only as depending on the strength of the conspiracy, but as thinking it impoliticImpolitic] Alienum suis rationibus. Foreign to his views; inconsistent with his policy. to appear to share the cause of citizens with runagates.

LVII When it was reported in his camp, however, that the conspiracy had been discovered at Rome, and that Lentulus, Cethegus, and the rest whom I have named, had been put to death, most of those whom the hope of plunder, or the love of change, had led to join in the war, fell away. The remainder Catiline conducted, over rugged mountains, and by forced marches, into the neighborhood of Pistoria, with a view to escape covertly, by cross roads, into Gaul.

But Quintus Metellus Celer, with a force of three legions, had at that time, his station in Picenum, who suspected that Catiline, from the difficulties of his position, would adopt precisely the course which we have just described. When, therefore, he had learned his route from some deserters, he immediately broke up his camp, and took his post at the very foot of the hills, at the point where Catiline's descent would be, in his hurried march into Gaul.LVII. In his hurried march into Gaul] In Galliam properanti. These words Cortius inclosed in brackets, pronouncing them as a useless gloss. But all editors have retained them as genuine, except the Bipont and Bernouf; who wholly omitted them. Nor was Antonius far distant, as he was pursuing, though with a large army, yet through plainer ground, and with fewer hinderances, the enemy in retreat.As he was pursuing, though with a large army, yet through plainer ground, and with fewer hinderances, the enemy in retreat] Utpote qui magno exercitu, locis æquioribus, expeditus, in fugâ sequeretur. It would be tedious to notice all that has been written upon this passage of Sallust. All the editions, before that of Cortius, had expeditos, in fugam, some joining expeditos with locis æquioribus, and some with in fugam. Expeditos in fugam was first condemned by Wasse, no negligent observer of phrases, who said that no expression parallel to it could be found in any Latin writer. Cortius, seeing that the expedition, of which Sallust is speaking, is on the part of Antonius, not of Catiline, altered expeditos, though found in all the manuscripts, into expeditus; and in fugam, at the same time, into in fugâ; and in both these emendations he has been cordially followed by the subsequent editors, Gerlach, Kritzius, and Dietsch. I have translated magno exercitu, "though with a large army," although, according to Dietsch and some others, we need not consider a large army as a cause of slowness, but may rather regard it as a cause of speed; since the more numerous were Metellus's forces, the less he would care how many he might leave behind through fatigue, or to guard the baggage; so that he might be the more expeditus, unincumbered. With sequeretur we must understand hostes. The Bipont, Bernouf's, which often follows it, and Havercamp's, are now the only editions of any note that retain expeditos in fugam.

Catiline, when he saw that he was surrounded by mountains and by hostile forces, that his schemes in the city had been unsuccessful, and that there was no hope either of escape or of succor, thinking it best, in such circumstances, to try the fortune of a battle, resolved upon engaging, as speedily as possible, with Antonius. Having, therefore, assembled his troops, he addressed them in the following manner:

"I am well aware, soldiers, that words can not inspire courage; and that a spiritless army can not be rendered active,LVIII. That a spiritless army can not be rendered active, etc.] Neque ex ignavo strenuum, neque fortem ex timido exercitum oratione imperatoris fieri. I have departed a little from the literal reading, for the sake of ease. or a timid army valiant, by the speech of its commander. Whatever courage is in the heart of a man, whether from nature or from habit, so much will be shown by him in the field; and on him whom neither glory nor danger can move, exhortation is bestowed in vain; for the terror in his breast stops his ears.

"I have called you together, however, to give you a few instructions, and to explain to you, at the same time, my reasons for the course which I have adopted. You all know, soldiers, how severe a penalty the inactivity and cowardice of Lentulus has brought upon himself and us; and how, while waiting for reinforcements from the city, I was unable to march into Gaul. In what situation our affairs now are, you all understand as well as myself. Two armies of the enemy, one on the side of Rome, and the other on that of Gaul, oppose our progress; while the want of corn, and of other necessaries, prevents us from remaining, however strongly we may desire to remain, in our present position. Whithersoever we would go, we must open a passage with our swords. I conjure you, therefore, to maintain a brave and resolute spirit; and to remember, when you advance to battle, that on your own right hands dependThat on your own right hands depend, etc.] In dextris portare. "That you carry in your right hands." riches, honor, and glory, with the enjoyment of your liberty and of your country. If we conquer, all will be safe; we shall have provisions in abundance; and the colonies and corporate towns will open their gates to us. But if we lose the victory through want of courage, those same placesThose same places] Eadem illa. "Coloniæ atque municipia portas claudent."Bernouf. will turn against us; for neither place nor friend will protect him whom his arms have not protected. Besides, soldiers, the same exigency does not press upon our adversaries, as presses upon us; we fight for our country, for our liberty, for our life; they contend for what but little concerns them,They contend for what but little concerns them] Illis supervacaneum est pugnare. It is but of little concern to the great body of them personally: they may fight, but others will have the advantages of their efforts. the power of a small party. Attack them, therefore, with so much the greater confidence, and call to mind your achievements of old.

"We might,We might, etc.] Licit nobis. The editions vary between nobis and vobis; but most, with Cortius, have nobis. with the utmost ignominy, have passed the rest of our days in exile. Some of you, after losing your property, might have waited at Rome for assistance from others. But because such a life, to men of spirit, was disgusting and unendurable, you resolved upon your present course. If you wish to quit it, you must exert all your resolution, for none but conquerors have exchanged war for peace. To hope for safety in flight, when you have turned away from the enemy the arms by which the body is defended, is indeed madness. In battle, those who are most afraid are always in most danger; but courage is equivalent to a rampart.

"When I contemplate you, soldiers, and when I consider your past exploits, a strong hope of victory animates me. Your spirit, your age, your valor, give me confidence; to say nothing of necessity, which makes even cowards brave. To prevent the numbers of the enemy from surrounding us, our confined situation is sufficient. But should Fortune be unjust to your valor, take care not to lose your lives unavenged; take care not to be taken and butchered like cattle, rather than, fighting like men, to leave to your enemies a bloody and mournful victory."

When he had thus spoken, he ordered, after a short delay, the signal for battle to be sounded, and led down his troops, in regular order, to the level ground. Having then sent away the horses of all the cavalry, in order to increase the men's courage by making their danger equal, he himself, on foot, drew up his troops suitably to their numbers and the nature of the ground. As a plain stretched between the mountains on the left, with a rugged rock on the right, he placed eight cohorts in front, and stationed the lest of his force, in close order, in the rear.LIX. In the rear] In subsidio. Most translators have rendered this, "as a body of reserve;" but such can not well be the signification. It seems only to mean the part behind the front: Catiline places the eight cohorts in front, and the rest of his force in subsidio, to support the front. Subsidia, according to Varro (de L. L., iv. 16) and Festus (v. Subsidium), was a term applied to the Triarii, because they subsidebant, or sunk down on one knee until it was their turn to act. See Sheller's Lex. v. Subsidium. "Novissimi ordines its dicuntur."Gerlach. In subsidiis, which occurs a few lines below, seems to signify in lines in the rear; as in Jug. 49, triplicibus subsidiis aciem intruxit, i.e. with three lines behind the front. "Subsidium ea pars aciei vocabatur quæ reliquis submitti posset; Cæs. B. G., ii. 25."Dietsch. From among these he removed all the ablest centurions,All the ablest centurions] Centuriones omnes lectos. "Lectos you may consider to be the same as eximios, præstantes, centurionum præstantissimum quemque."Kritzius. Cortius and others take it for a participle, chosen. the veterans,Veterans] Evocatos. Some would make this also a participle, because, say they, it can not signify evocati, or called-out veterans, since, though there were such soldiers in a regular Roman army, there could be none so called in the tumultuary forces of Catiline. But to this it is answered that Catiline had imitated the regular disposition of a Roman army, and that his veterans might consequently be called evocati, just as if they had been in one; and, also that evocatus as a participle would be useless; for if Catiline removed (subducit) the centurions, it is unnecessary to add that he called them out, "Evocati erant, qui expletis stipendiis non poterant in delectu scribi, sed precibus imperatoris permoti, aut in gratiam ejus, militiam resumebant, homines longo uso militiæ peritissimi. Dio., xlv. p. 276. (ὁῦζ ) ἐνομίσθη. Intelligit itaque ejusmodi homines veteranos, etsi non propriè erant tales evocati, sed sponte castra Catilinæ essent secuti."Cortius. and the stoutest of the common soldiers that were regularly armed, into the foremost ranks.Into the foremost ranks] In primam aciem. Whether Sallust means that he ranged them with the eight cohorts, or only in the first line of the subsidia, is not clear. He ordered Caius Manlius to take the command on the right, and a certain officer of FæsulæA certain officer of Fæsulæ] Fæsulanum quemdam. "He is thought to have been that P. Furious, whom Cicero (Cat., iii. 6, 14) mentions as having been one of the colonists that Sylla settled at Fæsulæ, and who was to have been executed, if he had been apprehended, for having been concerned in corrupting the Allobrogian deputies."Dietsch. Plutarch calls this officer Furius. on the left; while he himself, with his freedmenHis freedmen] Libertis. "His own freedmen, whom he probably had about him as a body-guard, deeming them the most attached of his adherents. Among them was, possibly, that Sergius, whom we find from Cic. pro Domo, 5, 6, to have been Catiline's armor-bearer."Dietsch. and the colonists,The colonists] Colonis. "Veterans of Sylla, who had been settled by him as colonists in Etruria, and who had now been induced to join Catiline."Gerlach. See c. 28. took his station by the eagle,By the eagle] Propter aquilam. See Cic. in Cat., i. 9. which Caius Marius was said to have had in his army in the Cimbrian war.

On the other side, Caius Antonius, who, being lame,Being lame] Pedibus æger. It has been common among translators to render pedibus æger afflicted with the gout, though a Roman might surely be lame without having the gout. As the lameness of Antonius, however, according to Dion Cassius (xxxvii. 39), was only pretended, it may be thought more probable that he counterfeited the gout than any other malady. It was with this belief, I suppose, that the writer of a gloss on one of the manuscripts consulted by Cortius, interpreted the words, ultroneam passus est podogram, "he was affected with a voluntary gout." Dion Cassius says that he preferred engaging with Antonius, who had the larger army, rather than with Metellus, who had the smaller, because he hoped that Antonius would designedly act in such a way as to lose the victory. was unable to be present in the engagement, gave the command of the army to Marcus Petreius, his lieutenant-general. Petreius, ranged the cohorts of veterans, which he had raised to meet the present insurrection,To meet the present insurrection] Tumulti causâ. Any sudden war or insurrection in Italy or Gaul was called tumultus. See Cic. Philipp. v. 12. in front, and behind them the rest of his force in lines. Then, riding round among his troops, and addressing his men by name, he encouraged them, and bade them remember that they were to fight against unarmed marauders, in defense of their country, their children, their temples, and their homes.Their temples and their homes] Aris atque focis suis. See c. 52. Being a military man, and having served with great reputation, for more than thirty years, as tribune, præfect, lieutenant, or prætor, he knew most of the soldiers and their honorable actions, and, by calling these to their remembrance, roused the spirits of the men.

When he had made a complete survey, he gave the signal with the trumpet, and ordered the cohorts to advance slowly. The army of the enemy followed his example; and when they approached so near that the action could be commenced by the light-armed troops, both sides, with a loud shout, rushed together in a furious charge.LX. In a furious charge] Infestis signis. They threw aside their missiles, and fought only with their swords. The veterans, calling to mind their deeds of old, engaged fiercely in the closest combat. The enemy made an obstinate resistance; and both sides contended with the utmost fury. Catiline, during this time, was exerting himself with his light troops in the front, sustaining such as were pressed, substituting fresh men for the wounded, attending to every exigency, charging in person, wounding many an enemy, and performing at once the duties of a valiant soldier and a skillful general.

When Petreius, contrary to his expectation, found Catiline attacking him with such impetuosity, he led his prætorian cohort against the centre of the enemy, among whom, being thus thrown into confusion, and offering but partial resistance,Offering but partial resistance] Alios alibi resistentes. Not making a stand in a body, but only some in one place, and some in another. he made great slaughter, and ordered, at the same time, an assault on both flanks. Manlius and the Fæsulan, sword in hand, were among the firstAmong the first, etc.] In primis pugnantes cadunt. Cortius very properly refers in primis to cadunt. that fell; and Catiline, when he saw his army routed, and himself left with but few supporters, remembering his birth and former dignity, rushed into the thickest of the enemy, where he was slain, fighting to the last.

When the battle was over, it was plainly seen what boldness, and what energy of spirit, had prevailed throughout the army of Catiline; for, almost every where, every soldier, after yielding up his breath, covered with his corpse the spot which he had occupied when alive. A few, indeed, whom the prætorian cohort had dispersed, had fallen somewhat differently, but all with wounds in front. Catiline himself was found, far in advance of his men, among the dead bodies of the enemy; he was not quite breathless, and still expressed in his countenance the fierceness of spirit which he had shown during his life. Of his whole army, neither in the battle, nor in flight, was any free-born citizen made prisoner, for they had spared their own lives no more than those of the enemy.

Nor did the army of the Roman people obtain a joyful or bloodless victory; for all their bravest men were either killed in the battle, or left the field severely wounded.

Of many who went from the camp to view the ground, or plunder the slain, some, in turning over the bodies of the enemy, discovered a friend, others an acquaintance, others a relative; some, too, recognized their enemies. Thus, gladness and sorrow, grief and joy, were variously felt throughout the whole army.