I see, O judges, that it is not doubtful to any one of you that Caius Verres most
openly plundered everything in Sicily,
whether sacred or profane, whether private or public property; and that, not only
without the slightest scruple, but without even the very least disguise, he
practiced every possible description of robbery and plunder. But a very heightened
and pompous defence of him is put forward in reply to me, which I must consider very
carefully beforehand, O judges, how I am to resist. For his cause is stated in this
way; that by his valour, and by his singular vigilance exerted at a critical and
perilous time, the province of Sicily was
preserved in safety from fugitive slaves, and from the dangers of war.
What am I to do, O judges? In what way am I to shape my accusation? which way am I
to turn? For to all my attacks the appellation of a gallant general is opposed, as a
wall of defence. I am acquainted with the topic;—I see how Hortensius is going to
boast himself. He will dilate upon the dangers of the war, the critical time of the
republic, the scarcity of able generals; and that he will entreat of you, he will
even claim as a right belonging to himself, that you do not suffer so great a
general to be taken from the Roman people through the evidence of the Sicilians;
that you do not allow his glory as a general to be overclouded by accusations of
avarice.
I cannot dissemble my alarm, O judges; I am afraid that Caius Verres, on account of
this amazing warlike valour of his, may escape with impunity from the consequences
of all his actions. For it occurs to me, what great influence, what exceeding
authority, the oration of Marcus Antonius was supposed to have had at the trial of
Marcus Aquillius; who, as he was not only skillful as an orator, but bold also, when
he had nearly finished his speech, took hold of Marcus Aquillius and placed him in
the sight of every one, and tore his robe away from his chest, in order that the
Roman people and the judges might see his scars, all received in front; and at the
same time he enlarged a good deal on that wound which he had received on his head
from the general of the enemy; and worked up the men who were to judge in the cause
to such a pitch, that they were greatly afraid lest the man whom fortune had saved
from the weapons of the enemy, and who had not spared himself, should appear to have
been saved not to receive praise from the Roman people, but to endure the cruelty of
the judges. Now again this same plan and method of defence is to be tried by the
opposite party.
The same object is aimed at. He may be a thief, he may be a robber of temples, he
may he the very chief man in every sort of vice and criminality; but he is a gallant
general and a fortunate one, and he must be preserved for the critical emergencies
of the republic.
I will not plead against you
according to strict law; I will not urge that point, which perhaps I ought to carry
if I did, that as this trial is appointed to take place according to a particular
formula, the point that required to be proved by you, is not what gallant exploits
you may have performed in war, but how you have kept your hands from other people's
money,—I will not, I say, urge this; but I will ask, as I perceive you are desirous
that I should, what has been your conduct and what have been your great exploits in
war.
What will you say? That in the war of the runaway slaves Sicily was delivered by your valour? It is a great
praise; a very honourable boast. But in what war? For we have understood that after
that war which Marcus Aquillius finished, there has been no war of fugitive slaves
in Sicily. Oh! but there was in Italy. I admit that; a great and formidable war. Do
you then attempt to claim for yourself any part of the credit arising from that war?
Do you think that you are to share any of the glory of that victory with Marcus
Crassus or Cnaeus Pompeius? I do not suppose that even this will be too great a
stretch for your impudence, to venture to say something of that sort. You, forsooth,
hindered any part of the forces of these slaves from passing over from Italy into Sicily? Where? When? From what part of Italy, as they never attempted to approach Sicily in any ships or vessels of any sort? For we
never heard anything whatever of such an attempt; but we have heard that care was
taken, by the courage and prudence of Marcus Crassus, that most valiant man, that
the runaways should not make boats so as to be able to cross the strait to
Messana; an attempt from which it would
not have been so important to have cut them off, if there were supposed to have been
any forces in Sicily able to oppose their
invasion.
But though there was war in Italy so close
to Sicily, still it never came into
Sicily. Where is the wonder? for when it
existed in Sicily, at exactly the same
distance from Italy, no part of it reached
Italy.
What has the proximity of the countries to do with either side of the argument in
discussing this topic? Will you say that access was very easy to the enemy, or that
the contagion and temptation of imitating that war was a dangerous one? Every access
to the island was not only difficult to, but was entirely cut off from men who had
no ships; so that it was more easy for those men, to whom you say that Sicily was so near, to go to the shore of the ocean
than to Cape Pelorus.
But as for the contagious nature to that servile war, why is it spoken of by you
more than by all the rest of the officers who were governors of the other provinces?
Is it because before that time there had been wars of runaway slaves in Sicily? But that is the very cause why that province
is now and has been in the least danger. For ever since Marcus Aquillius left it all
the regulations and edicts of the praetors have been to this effect, that no slave
should ever be seen with a weapon. What I am going to mention is an old story, and
one, probably, owing to the severity of the example, not unknown to any one of you.
They tell a story that Lucius Domitius was praetor in Sicily, and that an immense boar was brought to him; that he,
marveling at the size of the beast, asked who had killed it. When he was told that
it was such-an-one's shepherd, he ordered him to be summoned before him; that the
shepherd came eagerly to the praetor, expecting praise and reward; that Domitius
asked him how he had slain so huge a beast; that he answered “With a hunting spear;”
and that he was instantly crucified by order of the praetor. This may, perhaps,
appear harsh: I say nothing either way; all that I understand from the story is,
that Domitius preferred to appear cruel in punishing, to seeming negligent in
overlooking offences.
Therefore, while these were the established regulations of the province, Caius
Norbanus, a man neither very active nor very valiant, was at perfect ease, at the
very moment that all Italy was raging with
the servile war. For at that time Sicily
easily took care of itself, so that no war could possibly arise there. In truth, as
no two things are so closely united as the traders are with the Sicilians, by habit,
by interest, by reason, and by community of sentiment; and as the Sicilians have all
their affairs in such a state that it is most desirable for them to be at peace; and
as they are so attached to the sway of the Roman people that they would be very
sorry that its power should be diminished or altered; and as ever since the servile
war all such dangers as these have been provided for, both by the regulations of the
praetors, and by the discipline of the masters; there is no conceivable domestic
evil which can arise out of the province itself.
What then do you say? Were there no disturbances of slaves in Sicily while Verres was praetor? Are no conspiracies
said to have taken place? None at all that have ever come to the knowledge of the
senate and people of Rome; none which that
man has thought worth writing public despatches to Rome about; and yet I do suspect that the body of slaves had begun to
be less orderly in some parts of Sicily;
and I infer that, not so much from any overt act, as from the actions and decrees of
Verres. And see with how little of a hostile feeling I am going to conduct this
case. I myself will mention and bring forward the things which he wishes to have
mentioned, and which as yet you have never heard of.
In the district of Triocala, a place which the fugitive slaves had occupied before,
the family of a certain Sicilian called Leonidas was implicated in suspicion of a
conspiracy. Information of the matter was laid before Verres. Immediately, as was
natural, by his command, the men who had been named were arrested and taken to
Lilybaeum. Their master was summoned to
appear, and after the case had been heard they were condemned.
What happened afterwards? What do you suppose? Perhaps you expect
to hear of some robbery or plunder;—do not look on all occasions for the same
things—when a man is in fear of war, what room is there for petty thefts? However,
even if there was any opportunity for such a thing in this matter, it was
overlooked. Perhaps he could have got some money out of Leonidas when he summoned
him to appear. There was besides room for bargaining, (and that was an opportunity
that he was not new to,) to get the cause adjourned; and a second chance, to get the
slaves acquitted. But when the slaves had been condemned, what opportunity of
plundering could there be? They must be brought up for punishment. For there were
the witnesses who were sitting on the bench; the public records were witnesses; that
most splendid city of Lilybaeum was a
witness; that most honourable and numerous assembly of Roman citizens was a witness.
Nothing can be done; they must be brought up. Accordingly, they are brought up, and
fastened to the stake.
Even now, O judges, you seem to me to be waiting to see what happened next; because
that man never did anything without some gain and some booty. What could be done in
such a case? What is profitable? Expect then to hear of some crime as infamous as
you please; but I will outdo all your expectation. The men who had been convicted of
wickedness and conspiracy, who had been delivered up for punishment, who had been
bound to the stake, on a sudden, in the sight of many thousands of men, are unbound
and restored to Leonidas their master. What can you say on this topic, O most insane
of men? except, indeed, that which I do not ask you; what, in short, in so nefarious
a business, although there can be no doubt about it, still, even if there were a
doubt, ought not to be asked; namely, what or how much money you took to release
them, and how you managed it. I give up the whole of this to you; and I release you
from this anxiety; for I am not afraid of any one believing that you, without any
payment, undertook an action which no man in the world except you could have been
induced to undertake by any sum of money whatever. But about that system of thieving
and plundering of yours I say nothing;—what I am now discussing is your renown as a
general.