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                <requestUrn>urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.17.130-4.17.138</requestUrn>
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                <urn>urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.17.130-4.17.138</urn>
                <passage>
                    <TEI xmlns="http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0"><text xml:lang="eng"><body><div type="edition" n="urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2" xml:lang="eng"><div n="4" type="textpart" subtype="book"><div n="17" type="textpart" subtype="chapter"><div n="130" type="textpart" subtype="section"><p>Brutus fled to the mountains with a considerable force, intending to return
						to his camp by night, or to move down to the sea. But since all the roads
						were encompassed by guards he passed the night under arms with all his
						party, and it is said that, looking up to the stars, he exclaimed: --
							<quote>"Forget not, Zeus, the author of these ills,"<note anchored="true" resp="HW" place="foot"><foreign xml:lang="grc">*zeu=, mh\ la/qoi se
									tw=nd' d\s a)i/tios kakw=n.</foreign> From the
									<title>Medea</title> of Euripides, 332.</note></quote></p><p>referring to Antony. It is said that Antony himself repeated this saying at a
						later period in the midst of his own dangers, regretting that, when he might
						have associated himself with Cassius and Brutus, he had become the tool of
						Octavius. At the present time, however, Antony passed the night under arms
						with his outposts over against Brutus, fortifying himself with a breastwork
						of dead bodies and spoils collected together. Octavius toiled till midnight
						and then retired on account of his illness, leaving Norbanus to watch the
						enemy's camp. </p></div><div n="131" type="textpart" subtype="section"><p>On the following day Brutus, seeing the enemy still lying in wait for him,
						and having less than four full legions, which had ascended the mountain with
						him, thought it best not to address himself to his troops, but to their
						officers, who were ashamed and repentant of their fault. To them he sent to
						put them to the test and to learn whether they were willing to break through
						the enemy's lines and regain their own camp, which was still held by their
						troops who had been left there. These officers, though they had rushed to
						battle unadvisedly, had been of good courage for the most part, but now,
						misled by a god, gave to their general the undeserved answer that he should
						look out for himself, that they had tempted fortune many times, and that
						they would not throw away the last remaining hope of accommodation. Then
						Brutus said to his friends, "I am no longer useful to my country if such is
						the temper of these men," and calling Strato, the Epirote, who was one of
						his friends, gave him the order to stab him. While Strato was still willing
						to deliberate, Brutus called one of his servants. Then Strato said, "Your
						friend shall not come short of your servants in executing your last
						commands, if the decision is actually reached." With these words he thrust
						his sword into the side of Brutus, who did not shrink or turn away.<note anchored="true" resp="HW" place="foot">Dion Cassius (xlvii. 49) says that
							before killing himself Brutus repeated the words of Hercules: "Delusive
							virtue, thou art but a name. I cultivated thee as a reality, but thou
							art the slave of fortune." Florus (iv. 7) puts in the mouth of Brutus
							nearly the same words: "<title>Non in re, sed in verbo tantum esse
								virtutem.</title>" Brutus' dying speech given by Plutarch is much
							longer, as well as more appropriate and dignified, and better entitled
							to credence.</note>
					</p></div><div n="132" type="textpart" subtype="section"><p>So died Cassius and Brutus, two most noble and illustrious Romans, and of
						incomparable virtue, but for one crime. Although they belonged to the party
						of Pompey the Great, and had been the enemies, in peace and in war, of Gaius
						Cæsar, he made them his friends, and from being friends he was
						treating them as sons. The Senate at all times had a peculiar attachment to
						them, and commiseration for them when they fell into misfortune. On account
						of those two it granted amnesty to all the assassins, and when they took
						flight it bestowed governorships on them in order that they should not be
						exiles; not that it was disregardful of Gaius Cæsar or rejoiced at
						what had happened to him, for it admired his bravery and good fortune, gave
						him a public funeral at his death, ratified his acts, and had for a long
						time awarded the magistracies and governorships to his nominees, considering
						that nothing better could be devised than what he proposed. But its zeal for
						these two men and its solicitude for them brought it under suspicion of
						complicity in the assassination, -- so much were those two held in honor by
						all. By the most illustrious of the exiles they were preferred to [Sextus]
						Pompeius, although he was nearer and not implacable to the triumvirs, while
						they were farther away and irreconcilable. </p></div><div n="133" type="textpart" subtype="section"><p>When it became necessary for them to take up arms, two whole years had not
						elapsed ere they had brought together upward of twenty legions of infantry
						and something like 20,000 cavalry, and 200 ships of war, with corresponding
						apparatus and a vast amount of money, some of it from willing and some from
						unwilling contributors. They carried on wars with many peoples and with
						cities and with men of the adverse faction successfully. They brought under
						their sway all the nations from Macedonia to the Euphrates. Those whom they
						had fought against they had brought into alliance with them and had found
						them most faithful. They had had the services of the independent kings and
						princes, and in some small measure even of the Parthians, who were enemies
						of the Romans; but they did not wait for them to come and take part in the
						decisive battle, lest this barbarous and hostile race should become
						accustomed to encounters with the Romans. Most extraordinary of all was the
						fact that the greater part of their army had been the soldiers of Gaius
						Cæsar and wonderfully attached to him, yet they were won over by
						the very murderers of Cæsar and followed them more faithfully
						against Cæsar's son than they had followed Antony, who was
						Cæsar's companion in arms and colleague; for not one of them
						deserted Brutus and Cassius even when they were vanquished, while some of
						them had abandoned Antony at Brundusium before the war began. The reason for
						their service, both under Pompey aforetime and now under Brutus and Cassius,
						was not their own interest, but the cause of democracy; a specious name
						indeed, but generally hurtful.<note anchored="true" resp="HW" place="foot"><foreign xml:lang="grc">u(pe\r dhmokrati/as, o)no/matos eu)eidou=s
								me\n a)lusitelou=s de\ a)ei/.</foreign> The Latin version of Geslen
							rendered this passage <foreign>nomen reipublicae, speciosum quidem sed
								non semper commodum</foreign> (the name of the republic, specious
							indeed, but not always advantageous); and this led
							Schweighäuser to suggest doubtfully <foreign xml:lang="grc">ou)
								lusitelou=s</foreign> in place of <foreign xml:lang="grc">a)lusitelou=s,</foreign> in which case the meaning would be "not
							always useful," instead of "always hurtful." Plutarch says that
							government by the majority seemed to be no longer possible to the
							Romans, and that a monarchy was needed; and accordingly Providence, in
							order to remove the only man who stood in the way of the one who was
							able to govern (meaning Octavius), prevented Brutus from receiving the
							news of his victory in the Adriatic, etc. (<title>Life of
								Brutus,</title> 47.)</note> Both of the leaders, when they thought
						they could no longer be useful to their country, alike despised their own
						lives. In that which related to their cares and labors Cassius gave his
						attention strictly to war, like a gladiator to his antagonist. Brutus,
						wherever he might be, wanted to see and hear everything because he was by
						nature a seeker after knowledge. </p></div><div n="134" type="textpart" subtype="section"><p>Against all these virtues and merits must be set down the crime against
						Cæsar, which was not an ordinary or a small one, for it was
						committed unexpectedly against a friend, ungratefully against a benefactor
						who had spared them in war, and nefariously against the head of the state,
						in the senate-house, against a pontiff clothed in his sacred vestments,
						against a ruler without an equal, who was most useful above all other men to
						Rome and its empire. For these reasons Heaven was incensed against them and
						often forewarned them of their doom. When Cassius was performing a
						lustration for his army his lictor presented his garland wrong side up. A
						gilded statue of Victory dedicated to Cassius fell down. Many birds hovered
						over his camp, but uttered no sound,<note anchored="true" resp="HW" place="foot">Dion Cassius (xlvii. 40) favors us with a long chapter,
							full of prodigies bearing upon the battles of Philippi. The prodigy of
							the birds is thus described: "But that which especially indicated to
							Brutus and Cassius their ruin, so that it was plain to their
							adversaries, was the great number of vultures and other carrion-eating
							birds that soared above them only, and looked down at them screaming and
							squeaking in a fearful and awe-inspiring way." Florus (iv. 7) mentions
							the same phenomenon: "Birds accustomed to feed on dead bodies flew
							around the camp as though it were already their own."</note> and swarms
						of bees continually settled upon it. While Brutus was celebrating his
						birthday at Samos it is said that in the midst of the feast, although not a
						ready man with such quotations, he shouted out this verse without any
						apparent cause: -- <quote>"A cruel fate O'ertakes me, aided by Latona's
								son."<note anchored="true" resp="HW" place="foot"><foreign xml:lang="grc">a)lla/ me moi)=r' o)loh\ kai\ *lhtou=s e)/ktanen
									ui(o/s</foreign>: the dying words of
						Patroclus.</note></quote></p><p><title>Iliad,</title> xvi. 849. <title>Bryant's translation.</title></p><p>Once when he was about to cross from Asia into Europe with his army, and
						while he was awake at night and the light was burning low, he beheld an
						apparition of extraordinary form standing near him, and when he boldly asked
						who of men or gods it might be, the spectre answered, "I am thy evil genius,
						Brutus. I shall appear to thee again at Philippi."<note anchored="true" resp="HW" place="foot">There is a noteworthy similarity of Greek words
							between Plutarch and Appian in relating the conversation between Brutus
							and the spectre, viz., Plutarch: <foreign xml:lang="grc">"*ti/s pot)
								w)/n," ei)=pen, "a)nqrw/pwn h)\ qew=n h)\ ti/ boulo/menos h(/keis
								w(s h(ma=s;" (*upofqe/ggetai de\ au)tw=| to\ fa/sma, "(*o so\s, w(=
								*brou=te, dai/mwn kako/s: o)/yei de/ me peri\
								*fili/ppous."</foreign> Appian: <foreign xml:lang="grc">kai\ puqe/sqai
								me\n eu)qarsw=s, o(/stis a)nqrw/pwn h)\ qew=n ei)/h: to\ de\ fa/sma
								ei)pei=n, (*o so\s, w)= *brou=te, dai/mwn kako/s: o)fqh/somai de/
								soi kai\ e)n *fili/ppois.</foreign></note> And it is said that it
						did appear to him before the last battle. When the soldiers were going out
						to the fight an Ethiopian met them in front of the gates, and as they
						considered this a bad omen they immediately cut him in pieces. It was due to
						divine interposition, no doubt, that Cassius gave way to despair without
						reason after a drawn battle, and that Brutus was forced from his policy of
						wise delay to an engagement with men who were pressed by hunger, while he
						himself had supplies in abundance and the command of the sea, so that his
						calamity proceeded rather from his own troops than from the enemy. Although
						they had participated in many engagements, they never received any hurt in
						battle, but both became the slayers of themselves, as they had been of
						Cæ sar. Such was the punishment that overtook Cassius and Brutus. </p></div><div n="135" type="textpart" subtype="section"><p>Antony found the body of Brutus, wrapped it in his best purple garment,
						burned it, and sent the ashes to his mother, Servilia. Brutus' army, when it
						learned of his death, sent envoys to Octavius and Antony and obtained
						pardon, and was divided between their armies. It consisted of about 14,000
						men. Besides these a large number who were in garrisons surrendered. The
						garrisons themselves and the enemy's camp were given to the soldiers of
						Octavius and Antony to be plundered. Of the distinguished men in Brutus'
						camp some perished in the battles, others killed themselves as the two
						generals had done, others purposely continued fighting till death. Among
						these men of note were Lucius Cassius, a nephew of Cassius himself, and
						Cato, the son of Cato. The latter charged upon the enemy many times; then,
						when his men began to retreat, he threw off his helmet, either that he might
						be recognized, or be easily hit, or for both reasons.<note anchored="true" resp="HW" place="foot">Plutarch says that the son of Cato refused to
							retreat or yield, but fought to the last, declaring who he was and
							pronouncing his father's name, and finally fell on a heap of slain
							enemies. (<title>Life of Brutus,</title> 49.)</note> Labeo, a man
						renowned for learning, father of the Labeo who is still celebrated as a
						jurisconsult, dug a trench in his tent the size of his body, gave orders to
						his slaves in reference to the remainder of his affairs, made such
						arrangements as he desired for his wife and children, and gave letters to
						his domestics to carry to them. Then, taking his most faithful slave by the
						right hand and whirling him around, as is the Roman custom in granting
							freedom,<note anchored="true" resp="HW" place="foot">The legal form of
							manumission in Rome was to seize the slave by the hand, whirl him around
							once, and give him a slight push. The word
								<foreign>manumission</foreign> (sending by the hand) is supposed to
							have been derived from this ceremony.</note> he handed him a sword as he
						turned, and presented his throat. And so his tent became his tomb. </p></div><div n="136" type="textpart" subtype="section"><p>Rhascus, the Thracian, brought many troops from the mountains. He asked and
						received as his reward the pardon of his brother, Rhascupolis, from which it
						was made plain that from the beginning these Thracians had not been at
						variance with each other, but that seeing two great and hostile armies
						coming into conflict near their territory, they took sides in the contest in
						such a way that the victor might save the vanquished. Portia, the wife of
						Brutus and sister of the younger Cato, when she learned that both had died
						in the manner described, although very strictly watched by domestics, seized
						some coals of fire that they were carrying, and swallowed them.<note anchored="true" resp="HW" place="foot">This tale of the death of Portia
							from swallowing live coals was widely current in the ancient world, yet
							there is good reason for doubting it. Plutarch says that there was a
							letter of Brutus in circulation, speaking of the death of Portia, and
							accusing his friends of neglecting her in her last illness. (<title>Life
								of Brutus,</title> 53.) There is a letter from Cicero to Brutus
							extant, consoling the latter for the death of some one very near to him.
							As he speaks of the loss as one <foreign>cui simile in terris nihil
								fuit</foreign> (which has not its like upon earth), it could hardly
							have been anything else than that of a wife. (<title>Ad Brutum,</title>
							9.)</note> Of the members of the nobility who escaped to Thasos some
						took ship from thence, others committed themselves with the remains of the
						army to the judgment of Messala Corvinus and Lucius Bibulus, men of equal
						rank, to do for all what they should decide to do for themselves. These came
						to an arrangement with Antony and Octavius, whereby they delivered to Antony
						on his arrival at Thasos the money and arms, besides abundant supplies and a
						great quantity of war material, there in store. </p></div><div n="137" type="textpart" subtype="section"><p>Thus did Octavius and Antony by perilous daring and by two infantry
						engagements achieve a success, the like of which was never before known; for
						never before had such numerous and powerful Roman armies come in conflict
						with each other. These soldiers were not enlisted from the ordinary
						conscription, but were picked men. They were not new levies, but under long
						drill and arrayed against each other, not against foreign or barbarous
						races. Speaking the same language and using the same tactics, being of like
						discipline and power of endurance, they were for these reasons evenly
						matched. Nor was there ever such fury and daring in war as here, when
						citizens contended against citizens, families against families, and
						fellow-soldiers against each other. The proof of this is that, taking both
						battles into the account, the number of the slain among the victors appeared
						to be not less [than among the vanquished]. </p></div><div n="138" type="textpart" subtype="section"><p>Thus the army of Antony and Octavius confirmed the prediction of their
						generals, passing in one day and by one blow from extreme danger of famine
						and fear of destruction to lavish wealth, absolute security, and glorious
						victory. That result came about which Antony and Octavius had predicted as
						they advanced into battle. Their form of government was decided by that
						day's work chiefly, and they have not gone back to democracy yet. Nor was
						there any further need of similar contentions with each other, except the
						strife between Antony and Octavius not long afterward, which was the last
						that took place between Romans. The events that transpired after the death
						of Brutus, under Sextus Pompeius and the friends of Cassius and Brutus, who
						escaped with the very considerable remains of their extensive war material,
						were not to be compared to the former in daring or in the devotion of men,
						cities, and armies to their leaders; nor did any of the nobility, nor the
						Senate, nor the same glory, attend them as attended Brutus and Cassius. </p></div></div></div></div></body></text></TEI>
                </passage>
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