<GetPassage xmlns:tei="http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0" xmlns="http://chs.harvard.edu/xmlns/cts">
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                <requestUrn>urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.11.83-4.11.88</requestUrn>
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                <urn>urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:4.11.83-4.11.88</urn>
                <passage>
                    <TEI xmlns="http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0"><text xml:lang="eng"><body><div type="edition" n="urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2" xml:lang="eng"><div n="4" type="textpart" subtype="book"><div n="11" type="textpart" subtype="chapter"><div n="83" type="textpart" subtype="section"><p>With Pompeius the situation was as follows. Being the younger son of Pompey
						the Great, he was at first disregarded by Gaius Cæsar in Spain as
						not likely to accomplish anything of importance on account of his youth and
						inexperience. He roamed about the ocean with a few followers, committing
						piracy and concealing the fact that he was Pompeius. When larger numbers
						joined him for the purpose of pillage, and his force became powerful, he
						revealed his name. Presently those who had served with his father and his
						brother, and who were leading a vagabond life, drifted to him as their
						natural leader, and Arabio, who had been deprived of his ancestral kingdom,
						as I have related previously, came to him from Africa.<note anchored="true" resp="HW" place="foot">See Sec. 54.</note> His forces being thus
						augmented, his doings were now more important than robbery, and as he flew
						from place to place the name of Pompeius spread through the whole of
							Spain,<note anchored="true" resp="HW" place="foot"><foreign xml:lang="grc">kai\ o)/noma tou= *pomphi/ou . . . peri/qeonto/s te kai\
								meqiptame/nou.</foreign> Mendelssohn suggests, in place of the
							second clause, <foreign xml:lang="grc">perie/qei e)pio/ntos
							te.</foreign></note> which was the most extensive of the provinces; but
						he avoided coming to an engagement with the governors of it appointed by
						Gaius Cæsar. When Cæsar learned of his doings he sent
						Carinas with a stronger army to fight him. Pompeius, however, being the more
						nimble of the two, would show himself and then disappear, and so he wore out
						his enemy and got possession of a number of towns, large and small. </p></div><div n="84" type="textpart" subtype="section"><p>Then Cæsar sent Asinius Pollio as successor to Carinas to prosecute
						the war against Pompeius. While they were carrying on the same kind of
						warfare, Cæsar was assassinated and the Senate recalled Pompeius.
						The latter came to Massilia and there watched the course of events at Rome.
						Having been appointed commander of the sea with the same powers that his
						father had exercised, he did not yet come back to the city, but, taking what
						ships he found in the harbors, and joining them with those he had brought
						from Spain, he put to sea. When the triumvirate was established he sailed to
						Sicily, and as Bithynicus, the governor, would not yield the island, he
						besieged him, until Hirtius and Fannius, two men who had been proscribed and
						had fled from Rome, persuaded Bithynicus to surrender Sicily to Pompeius. </p></div><div n="85" type="textpart" subtype="section"><p>In this way Pompeius possessed himself of Sicily, and thus had ships, and an
						island lying convenient to Italy, and an army, now of considerable size,
						composed of those whom he had before, and those who had fled from Rome, both
						freemen and slaves, or those sent to him by the Italian cities which had
						been proclaimed as prizes of victory for the soldiers. These cities dreaded
						a victory of the triumvirs more than anything else, and whatever they could
						do against them secretly they did. The wealthy citizens fled from a country
						that they could no longer consider their own and took refuge with Pompeius,
						who was near by and greatly beloved by all at that time. There were present
						with him also many seafaring men from Africa and Spain, skilled in naval
						affairs, so that Pompeius was well provided with officers, ships, troops,
						and money. When Octavius learned these facts he sent Salvidienus with a
						fleet to come alongside of Pompeius and destroy him, as though it were an
						easy task, while he passed through Italy himself with the intention of
						joining Salvidienus at Rhegium. Pompeius advanced with a large fleet to meet
						Salvidienus, and a naval engagement took place between them at the entrance
						of the straits near the promontory of Scyllæum. The ships of
						Pompeius, being lighter and manned by better sailors, excelled in swiftness
						and skill, while those of the Romans, being of great tonnage and size,
						labored heavily. When the usual rush of waves through the straits came on,
						and the sea dashed hither and thither under the influence of the current,
						the ships of Pompeius suffered less than their adversaries, because they
						were accustomed to the agitation of the waters; while those of Salvidienus,
						being unable to maintain their position firmly, or to work their oars, or
						manage their rudders, by reason of their inexperience, were thrown into
						confusion. Accordingly, about sunset, Salvidienus was the first to give the
						signal of retreat. Pompeius withdrew also. The ships suffered about equally
						on both sides. Salvidienus retired to the port of Balarus, facing the
						straits, where he repaired what was left of his damaged and wasted fleet. </p></div><div n="86" type="textpart" subtype="section"><p>When Octavius arrived he gave a solemn promise to the inhabitants of Rhegium
						and Vibo that they should be exempt from the list of prizes of victory, for
						he feared them on account of their nearness to the straits. As Antony had
						sent him a hasty summons, he set sail to join the latter at Brundusium,
						having Sicily and Pompeius on his left hand; and postponing the conquest of
						the island for the time being. On the approach of Octavius, Murcus withdrew
						a short distance from Brundusium in order that he might not be between
						Antony and Octavius, and there he watched for the passage of the transports
						that were carrying the army across from Brundusium to Macedonia. The latter
						were escorted by triremes, but a strong and favorable wind having sprung up
						they darted across fearlessly, needing no escort. Murcus was vexed, but he
						lay in wait for the empty ships on their return. Yet these returned, took on
						board the remainder of the soldiers, and crossed again with full sails until
						the whole army, together with Octavius and Antony, had passed over. Although
						Murcus recognized that his plans were frustrated by some fatality, he held
						his position nevertheless, in order to hinder as much as possible the
						passage of the enemy's munitions and supplies, or supplementary troops.
						Domitius Ahenobarbus<note anchored="true" resp="HW" place="foot">This was the
							son of Cæsar's enemy of the same name who was killed during
							the retreat of the Pompeians from the field of Pharsalus. Ahenobarbus is
							a Latin surname meaning bronze-beard, the equivalent of Barbarossa. The
							codices contain an amusing series of blunders here. One manuscript has
								<foreign xml:lang="grc">*domi/tios o( a)oino/baros</foreign> (Domitius
							not heavy with wine), another <foreign xml:lang="grc">*domi/tios
								a)hnoba/rbaros</foreign> (Domitius, the bronze barbarian), four
							others have <foreign xml:lang="grc">*domi/tios d' h)=n o(
								ba/rbaros</foreign> (Domitius was a barbarian).</note> was sent by
						Brutus and Cassius to coöperate with him in this work, which they
						deemed most useful, together with fifty additional ships, one legion, and a
						body of archers; for, as the triumvirs did not have a plentiful supply of
						provisions from elsewhere, it was deemed important to cut off their convoys
						from Italy. And so Murcus and Domitius, with their 130 long ships and a
						still greater number of small ones, and their large military force, sailed
						hither and thither harassing the enemy. </p></div><div n="87" type="textpart" subtype="section"><p>Decidius<note anchored="true" resp="HW" place="foot">The name of this man was
							Decidius Saxa. He is mentioned in <title>Syr.</title> 51 and in the
							Epitome of Livy, cxxvii.</note> and Norbanus, whom Octavius and Antony
						had sent in advance with eight legions to Macedonia, proceeded from that
						country a distance of 1500 stades toward the
						mountainous part of Thrace until they had passed beyond the city of
						Philippi, and seized the passes of the Corpileans and the Sapæans,
						tribes under the rule of Rhascupolis, where lies the only known route of
						travel from Asia to Europe. Here was the first obstacle encountered by
						Brutus and Cassius after they had crossed over from Abydus to Sestus.
						Rhascupolis and Rhascus were brothers of the royal family of Thrace, ruling
						one country. They differed in opinion at that time in regard to the proper
						alliance. Rhascus had taken up arms for Antony and Rhascupolis for Cassius,
						each having 3000 horse. When the Cassians came to inquire about the roads,
						Rhascupolis told them that the one by way of Ænus and Maronea was
						the short and usual and most travelled route, but that it led to the gorge
						of the Sapæans, which was occupied by the enemy and hence was
						impassable, but that there was a roundabout road which was difficult and
						three times as long. </p></div><div n="88" type="textpart" subtype="section"><p>Brutus and Cassius, thinking that the enemy had taken that position not so
						much to close the passage to them as to transfer themselves from Macedonia
						to Thrace for want of provisions, marched toward Ænus and Maronea
						from Lysimacheia and Cardia,<note anchored="true" resp="HW" place="foot">The
							text says that they marched toward Ænus and Maronea and thence
							toward Lysimacheia and Cardia, which would be the reverse of the route
							they actually took to Philippi. Schweighäuser judged that this
							was a copyist's blunder.</note> which clasp the neck of the Thracian
						Chersonesus like gates. The next day brought them to the gulf of Melas.<note anchored="true" resp="HW" place="foot">Here we have more geographical
							confusion. The gulf of Melas, <foreign>i.e.,</foreign> the Black Gulf,
							was a day's journey east instead of west of Ænus. Cardia was
							situated on it. Probably the safest conclusion is that Appian did not
							know the exact situation of any of these places except Lysimacheia and
							Cardia. These he has placed correctly at the neck of the Thracian
							Chersonesus.</note> Here they reviewed their army, <figure><head>Coast of Thrace, showing the Field of Philippi</head></figure>
					</p><p>which contained in all nineteen legions of infantry. Of these Brutus had
						eight and Cassius nine, not full, but among them were two legions that were
						nearly full, so that they mustered about 80,000 foot-soldiers. Brutus had
						4000 Gallic and Lusitanian horse, 3000 Thracian and Illyrian,<note anchored="true" resp="HW" place="foot">The number of Thracian and
							Illyrian horse is not given in the text. The number is inferred from the
							second enumeration found in Sec. 108 <foreign>infra.</foreign></note>
						and 2000 Parthian and Thessalian. Cassius had 2000 Spanish and Gallic horse
						and 4000 mounted bowmen, Arabs, Medes, and Parthians. The allied kings and
						tetrarchs of the Galatians in Asia followed him, leading a large additional
						force of foot-soldiers and about 5000 horse.</p></div></div></div></div></body></text></TEI>
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