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                <requestUrn>urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.2.9-3.2.20</requestUrn>
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                <urn>urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:3.2.9-3.2.20</urn>
                <passage>
                    <TEI xmlns="http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0"><text xml:lang="eng"><body><div type="edition" n="urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2" xml:lang="eng"><div n="3" type="textpart" subtype="book"><div n="2" type="textpart" subtype="chapter"><div n="9" type="textpart" subtype="section"><p>Octavius, the son of the daughter of Cæsar's sister, had been
						appointed master of Cæsar's horse for one year, for
						Cæsar at times made this a yearly office, passing it around among
						his friends. Being still a young man, he had been sent by Cæsar to
						Apollonia on the Adriatic to be educated and trained in the art of war, so
						that he might accompany Cæsar on his expeditions. Troops of horse
						from Macedonia were sent to him by turns for the purpose of drill, and
						certain army officers visited him frequently as a relative of
						Cæsar. As he received all with kindness, an acquaintance and good
						feeling grew up by means of them between himself and the army. At the end of
						a six months' sojourn in Apollonia, it was announced to him one evening that
						Cæsar had been killed in the senate-house by those who were
						dearest to him, and were then the most powerful ones under him. As the rest
						of the story was untold he was overcome by fear, not knowing whether the
						deed had been committed by the Senate as a whole or was confined to the
						immediate actors; nor whether they had already been punished by the people,
						or would be,<note anchored="true" resp="HW" place="foot"><foreign xml:lang="grc">kai\ ei) di/khn h)/dh toi=s plei/osi dedw/koien, h)\
								kai\ tou=de ei)=en.</foreign> All commentators are agreed that the
							last two words are corrupt; they convey no meaning. Among the numerous
							conjectures made by way of emendation that of Bekker seems the most
							reasonable, viz.: <foreign xml:lang="grc">h)\ kai\ dw/soien,</foreign> "or
							would be punished." This reading has been followed in the translation.
							The Didot Latin version follows that of Schweighäuser, viz.:
								<foreign>utrum poenas jam populo dedissent interfectores, aut saltem
								eas timerent;</foreign> i.e. "whether the murderers had already been
							punished by the people, or at least feared punishment."</note> or
						whether the people were pleased with what had been done. </p></div><div n="10" type="textpart" subtype="section"><p>Thereupon his Roman friends advised him to take refuge with the army in
						Macedonia to insure his personal safety, and that when he should learn that
						the murder was only a private transaction he should take courage and avenge
						Cæsar of his enemies; and there were high officers who promised to
						protect him if he would come. But his mother and his stepfather, Philippus,
						wrote to him from Rome not to be too confident and not to attempt anything
						rash, but to bear in mind what Cæsar, after conquering every
						enemy, had suffered at the hands of his closest friends; that it would be
						safer under present circumstances to choose a private life and hasten to
						them at Rome, but with caution. Octavius yielded to them because he did not
						know what had happened after Cæsar's death. He took leave of the
						army officers and crossed the Adriatic, not to Brundusium (for as he had
						made no test of the army at that place he avoided all risk), but to another
						town not far from it and out of the direct route, named Lupiæ.
						There he took lodgings and remained for a while. </p></div><div n="11" type="textpart" subtype="section"><p>When more accurate information about the murder and the public grief had
						reached him, together with copies of Cæsar's will and the decrees
						of the Senate, his relatives still cautioned him to beware of the enemies of
						Cæsar, as he was the latter's adopted son and heir. They even
						advised him to renounce the adoption, together with the inheritance. But he
						thought that to do so, and not to avenge Cæsar, would be
						disgraceful. So he went to Brundusium, first sending in advance to see that
						none of the murderers had laid any trap for him. When the army there
						advanced to meet him, and received him as Cæsar's son, he took
						courage, offered sacrifice, and immediately assumed the name of
						Cæsar; for it is customary among the Romans for the adopted son to
						take the name of the adoptive father. He not only assumed it, but he changed
						his own name and his patronymic completely, calling himself Cæsar
						the son of Cæsar, instead of Octavius the son of Octavius, and he
						continued to do so ever after. Directly multitudes of men from all sides
						flocked to him as Cæsar's son, some from friendship to
						Cæsar, others his freedmen and slaves, and with them other
						soldiers, who were either engaged in conveying supplies and money to the
						army in Macedonia, or bringing other money and tribute from other countries
						to Brundusium. </p></div><div n="12" type="textpart" subtype="section"><p>Encouraged by the numbers who were joining him, and by the glory of
						Cæsar, and by the good-will of all toward himself, he journeyed to
						Rome with a notable crowd which, like a torrent, grew larger and larger each
						day. Although he was safe from any open attacks by reason of the multitude
						surrounding him, he was all the more on his guard against secret ones,
						because almost all of those accompanying him were new acquaintances. Some of
						the towns were not altogether favorable to him, but Cæsar's
						veterans, who had been distributed in colonies, flocked from their
						settlements to greet the young man. They bewailed Cæsar, and
						cursed Antony for not proceeding against the monstrous crime, and said that
						they would avenge it if anybody would lead them. Octavius praised them, but
						postponed the matter for the present and sent them away. When he had arrived
						at Tarracina, about 400 stades from Rome, he received news that Cassius and
						Brutus had been deprived of Syria and Macedonia by the consuls, and had
						received the smaller provinces of Cyrenaica and Crete by way of
						compensation; that certain exiles had returned; that Sextus Pompey had been
						recalled; that some new members had been added to the Senate in accordance
						with Cæsar's memoranda, and that many other things were
							happening.<note anchored="true" resp="HW" place="foot">Octavius went to
							Rome by way of Naples. In a letter to Atticus, written at Puteoli in
							April, Cicero says: " Octavius arrived at Naples on the 14th Kalends.
							There Balbus saw him on the morning of the following day and on the same
							day came to me at Cumæ to tell me that he was going to claim
							his inheritance; but, as you say, he will have a lively time with
							Antony." (<title>Ad Att.</title> xiv. 10.) In another letter he writes:
							"Octavius has arrived at the neighboring villa of Philippus. He is
							devoted to me." In the next letter he says: " Octavius treats me with
							the greatest distinction and friendship. Some call him Cæsar.
							Philippus does not; therefore I do not. I am sure that he cannot be a
							good citizen, so many of those around him threaten death to our friends
							and say that these things cannot be borne. What think you when this boy
							shall come to Rome where our liberators cannot live in safety? They will
							always be famous, and happy also in the consciousness of what they have
							done. But, unless I am deceived, we shall be flat on our backs."
								(<title>Ad Att.</title> xiv. 12.)</note>
					</p></div><div n="13" type="textpart" subtype="section"><p>When he arrived at the city his mother and Philippus and the others who were
						interested in him were anxious about the estrangement of the Senate from
						Cæsar, and the decree that his murderers should not be punished,
						and the contempt shown him by Antony, who was then all-powerful, and had
						neither gone to meet Cæsar's son when he was coming nor sent
						anybody to him. Octavius quieted their fears, saying that he would call on
						Antony, as the younger man on the older and the private citizen on the
						consul, and that he would show proper respect for the Senate. As for the
						decree, he said that it had been passed because nobody had prosecuted the
						murderers; whenever anybody should have courage to prosecute, the people and
						the Senate would lend their aid to him as one enforcing the law, the gods
						would do so for the justice of his cause, and perhaps Antony himself would
						help. If he (Octavius) should reject the inheritance and the adoption, he
						would be false to Cæsar and would wrong the people who had a share
						in the will. As he was finishing his remarks he burst out that he ought not
						only to incur danger, but even to die, after he had been preferred before
						all others in this way by Cæsar, if he would show himself worthy
						of one who had himself braved every danger. Then turning to his mother, he
						repeated the words of Achilles to Thetis, which were then fresh in his mind:
						-- <quote>"Then quickly let me die since fate denied That I should aid my
							friend against the foes That slew him."</quote></p><p><title>Iliad,</title> xviii. 98, Bryant's translation.<note anchored="true" resp="HW" place="foot"><foreign xml:lang="grc">*au)ti/ka teqnai/hn, e)pei\ ou)k a)/r' e)/mellon
								e(tai/rw| kteinome/nw| e)pamu=nai.</foreign></note></p><p>After saying this he added that these words of Achilles, and especially the
						deed that followed, had of all things given him immortal renown; and he
						invoked Cæsar not as a friend, but a father; not as a
						fellow-soldier, but a commander-in-chief; not as one who had fallen by the
						law of war, but as the victim of sacrilegious murder in the senate-house. </p></div><div n="14" type="textpart" subtype="section"><p>Thereupon his mother's anxiety was changed to joy, and she embraced him as
						the only one worthy of Cæsar. She checked his speaking and urged
						him to prosecute his designs with the favor of fortune. She advised him,
						however, to use art and patience rather than open boldness. Octavius
						approved of this policy and promised to adopt it in action, and forthwith
						sent around to his friends the same evening, asking them to come to the
						forum early in the morning and bring a crowd with them. There presenting
						himself to Gaius Antonius, the brother of Antony, who was the city
						prætor, he said that he accepted the adoption of Cæsar;
						for it is a Roman custom that adoptions are confirmed by witnesses before
						the prætors. When the public scribes had taken down his
						declaration, Octavius went from the forum straightway to Antony. The latter
						was in the gardens that Cæsar had given to him, that had formerly
						been Pompey's. As Octavius was kept waiting at the vestibule for some time,
						he interpreted the fact as a sign of Antony's displeasure. When he was
						admitted there were greetings and mutual questionings proper to the
						occasion. When the time came to speak of the business in hand, Octavius
						said: -- </p></div><div n="15" type="textpart" subtype="section"><p>"Father Antony (for the benefits that Cæsar conferred upon you and
						your gratitude toward him warrant me in giving you that title), for some of
						the things that you have done since his death I praise you and owe you
						thanks; for others I blame you. I shall speak freely of what my sorrow
						prompts me to speak. When Cæsar was killed you were not present,
						as the murderers detained you at the door; otherwise you would have saved
						him or incurred the danger of sharing the same fate with him. If the latter
						would have befallen you, then it is well that you were not present. When
						certain senators proposed rewards to the murderers as tyrannicides you
						strongly opposed them. For this I give you hearty thanks, although you knew
						that they intended to kill you also;<note anchored="true" resp="HW" place="foot">The interpretation of this passage is doubtful.
							Schweighäuser thinks that Octavius means to say that he thanks
							Antony for opposing the proposition to reward the murderers, although he
							may have had a selfish interest in doing so.</note> not, as I think,
						because you were likely to avenge Cæsar, but, as they themselves
						say, lest you should be his successor in the tyranny. At the same time they
						made it clear that they were not tyrant-killers, but murderers,<note anchored="true" resp="HW" place="foot"><foreign xml:lang="grc">(/*ama d'
								ou)k h)=san e)kei=noi turannokto/noi ei) mh\ kai\ fonei=s
								h)=san</foreign>: literally, "these men were not tyrant-killers
							unless they were murderers also." I have followed the Latin version of
							Schweighäuser, which differs from those of his predecessors. He
							said that the text conveyed no clear meaning to him, and that his
							version was guesswork.</note> by taking refuge in the Capitol, either as
						guilty suppliants in a temple or as enemies in a fortress. How then could
						they have obtained amnesty and impunity for their crime unless some portion
						of the Senate and people had been corrupted by them? Yet you, as consul,
						ought to have seen what would be for the interest of the majority,<note anchored="true" resp="HW" place="foot"><foreign xml:lang="grc">kai\ se\ to\
								tw=n pleo/nwn o)ra=|n e(xrh=n, u(/paton o)/nta.</foreign>
							Schweighäuser and his predecessors rendered these words: " You
							as consul ought to see what would be agreeable to the majority
								(<foreign>quid placeret pluribus</foreign>)." The Didot version more
							properly renders it <foreign>quid prodesset pluribus.</foreign></note>
						and if you had wished to avenge such a monstrous crime, or to reclaim the
						erring, your office would have enabled you to do either. But you sent
						hostages from your own family to the murderers at the Capitol for their
						security. Let us suppose that those who had been corrupted forced you to do
						this also, yet when Cæsar's will had been read, and you had
						delivered your righteous funeral oration, and the people, in lively
						remembrance of Cæsar, had carried firebrands to the houses of the
						murderers, but spared them for the sake of their neighbors, agreeing to come
						back armed the next day, why did you not coöperate with them and
						lead them with fire or arms? Or why did you not bring them to trial, if
						trial was necessary for men seen in the act of murder -- you,
						Cæsar's friend; you, the consul; you, Antony? </p></div><div n="16" type="textpart" subtype="section"><p>"The pseudo-Marius was put to death by your order in the plenitude of your
						authority, but you connived at the escape of the murderers, some of whom
						have passed on to the provinces which they nefariously hold as gifts at the
						hands of him whom they slew. These things were no sooner done than you and
						Dolabella, the consuls, proceeded, very properly, to strip them and possess
						yourselves of Syria and Macedonia. I should have owed you thanks for this
						also, had you not immediately voted them Cyrenaica ana Crete; had you not
						preferred these fugitives for governorships, where they can always defend
						themselves against me, and had you not tolerated Decimus Brutus in the
						command of Hither Gaul, although he, like the rest, was one of my father's
						slayers. It may be said that these were decrees of the Senate. But you put
						the vote and you presided over the Senate -- you who ought most of all to
						have opposed them on your own account. To grant amnesty to the murderers was
						merely to insure their personal safety as a matter of favor, but to vote
						them provinces and rewards forthwith was to insult Cæsar and annul
						your own opinion. Grief has compelled me to speak these words, against the
						rules of decorum perhaps, considering my youth and the respect I owe you.
						They have been spoken, however, to the firmest friend of Cæsar, to
						one who was invested by him with the greatest honor and power, and who would
						have been adopted by him no doubt if he had known that you would accept
						kinship with the family of Æneas in exchange for that of Hercules;
						for this created doubt in his mind when he was thinking strongly of
						designating you as his successor. </p></div><div n="17" type="textpart" subtype="section"><p>"For the future, Antony, I conjure you by the gods who preside over
						friendship, and by Cæsar himself, to change somewhat the measures
						that have been adopted, for you can change them if you wish to; if not, that
						you will hereafter aid and cooperate with me in punishing the murderers,
						with the help of the people and of those who are still my father's faithful
						friends. If you still have regard for the conspirators and the Senate, do
						not be hard on us. So much for that. You know about my private affairs and
						the expense I must incur for the legacy which my father directed to be given
						to the people, and the haste involved in it lest I may seem churlish by
						reason of delay, and lest those who have been assigned to colonies be
						compelled to remain in the city and waste their time on my account. Of
						Cæsar's movables, that were brought immediately after the murder
						from his house to yours as a safer place, I beg you to take keepsakes and
						anything else by way of ornament and whatever you like to retain from us.
						But in order that I may pay the legacy to the people, please give me the
						gold coin that Cæsar had collected for his intended wars. That
						will suffice for the distribution to 300,000 men now. For the rest of my
						expenses I may perhaps borrow from you, if I may be so bold, or from the
						public treasury on your security, if you will give it, and I will offer my
						own property for sale at once." </p></div><div n="18" type="textpart" subtype="section"><p>While Octavius was speaking in this fashion Antony was astonished at his
						freedom of speech and his boldness, which seemed much beyond the bounds of
						propriety and of his years. He was offended by the words because they were
						wanting in the respect due to him, and still more by the demand for money,
						and, accordingly, he replied in the severe terms following: "Young man, if
						Cæsar left you the government, together with the inheritance and
						his name, it is proper for you to ask and for me to give the reasons for my
						public acts. But if the Roman people never surrendered the government to
						anybody to dispose of in succession, not even when they had kings, whom they
						expelled and swore never to have any more (this was the very charge that the
						murderers brought against your father, saying that they killed him because
						he was no longer leading but reigning), then there is no need of my
						answering you as to my public acts. For the same reason I release you from
						any indebtedness to me in the way of gratitude for those acts. They were
						performed not as a favor to you, but to the people, except in one
						particular, which was of the greatest importance to Cæsar and to
						yourself. For if, to secure my own safety and to shield myself from enmity,
						I had allowed honors to be voted to the murderers as tyrannicides,
						Cæsar would have been declared a tyrant, to whom neither glory,
						nor any kind of honor, nor confirmation of his acts would have been
						possible; who could make no valid will, have no son, nor any burial of his
						body, even as a private citizen. The laws provide that the bodies of tyrants
						shall be cast out unburied, their memory stigmatized, and their property
						confiscated. </p></div><div n="19" type="textpart" subtype="section"><p>"Apprehending all of these consequences, I entered the lists for
						Cæsar, for his immortal honor, and his public funeral, not without
						danger, not without incurring hatred to myself, contending against
						hot-headed, blood-thirsty men, who, as you know, had already conspired to
						kill me; and against the Senate, which was displeased with your father on
						account of his usurped authority. But I willingly chose to incur these
						dangers and to suffer anything rather than allow Cæsar to remain
						unburied and dishonored -- the most valiant man of his time, the most
						fortunate in every respect, and the one to whom the highest honors were due
						from me. It is by reason of the dangers I incurred that you enjoy your
						present distinction as the successor of Cæsar, his family, his
						name, his dignity, his wealth. It was more becoming in you to testify your
						gratitude to me for these things than to reproach me for concessions made to
						soothe the Senate, or in compensation for what I demanded of it, or in
						pursuance of other needs or reasons -- you a younger man addressing an older
						one. But enough of that. You hint that I am ambitious of the leadership. I
						am not ambitious of it, although I do not consider myself unworthy of it.
						You think that I am distressed because I was not mentioned in
						Cæsar's will, though you agree with me that the family of the
						Heraclidæ is enough to content one. </p></div><div n="20" type="textpart" subtype="section"><p>"As to your pecuniary needs and your wishing to borrow from the public funds,
						I should think you must be joking, unless we might believe that you are
						still ignorant of the fact that the public treasury was left empty by your
						father. After he assumed the government the public revenues were brought to
						him instead of to the treasury, and they will presently be found among
						Cæsar's assets when we vote an investigation into these matters.
						This will not be unjust to Cæsar now that he is dead, nor would he
						say that it was unjust if he were living and were asked for the accounts.
						And as there will be many private persons to dispute with you concerning
						single pieces of property, you may assume that this portion will not be
						uncontested. The money transferred to my house was not so large a sum as you
						conjecture, nor is any part of it in my custody now. The men in power and
						authority, except Dolabella and my brothers, divided up the whole of it
						straightway as the property of a tyrant, but were brought around by me to
						support the decrees in favor of Cæsar,<note anchored="true" resp="HW" place="foot">The truth was that Antony paid his own debts with
							Cæsar's money. So Cicero tells us in the second Philippic. "
							Where," he asks, " are the seven hundred million sesterces that were
							registered at the temple of Ops? His money was indeed a cause for
							mourning, yet if it was not to be returned to the rightful owners it
							might relieve us from taxes. But you owed four million sesterces on the
							Ides of March. How did it happen that you were free from debt on the
							Kalends of April?" (<title>Phil.</title> ii. 37.)</note> and you, if you
						are wise, when you get possession of the remainder, will distribute it among
						those who are disaffected toward you rather than among the people. The
						former, if they are in harmony with you,<note anchored="true" resp="HW" place="foot"><foreign xml:lang="grc">a)\n sumfronw=si</foreign>: to which
							Schweighäuser adds <foreign xml:lang="grc">soi.</foreign> All the
							codices except one read <foreign xml:lang="grc">swfronw=si,</foreign>
							<foreign>i.e.,</foreign> " if they are wise." The Teubner edition
							adheres to the latter reading; the Didot to the former. I have preferred
							the former because it gives point to Antony's advice. It furnishes a
							reason why Octavius should use his money in one way rather than in the
							other. It would enable him to get rid of his expensive allies.</note>
						will send the people, who are to be colonized, away to their settlements.
						The people, however, as you ought to have learned from the Greek studies you
						have been lately pursuing, are as unstable as the waves of the sea, now
						advancing, now retreating. In like manner, among us also, the people are
						forever exalting their favorites, and casting them down again."</p></div></div></div></div></body></text></TEI>
                </passage>
            </reply>
            </GetPassage>