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                <urn>urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2:2.15.101-2.15.105</urn>
                <passage>
                    <TEI xmlns="http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0"><text xml:lang="eng"><body><div type="edition" n="urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2" xml:lang="eng"><div n="2" type="textpart" subtype="book"><div n="15" type="textpart" subtype="chapter"><div n="101" type="textpart" subtype="section"><p>When Cæsar returned to Rome he had four triumphs together: one for
						his Gallic wars, in which he had added many great nations to the Roman sway
						and subdued others that had revolted; one for the Pontic war against
						Pharnaces; one for the war in Africa against the African allies of L.
						Scipio, in which the historian Juba (the son of King Juba), then an infant,
						was led a captive. Between the Gallic and the Pontic triumphs he introduced
						a kind of <note anchored="true" resp="HW" place="marg">B.C. <date when="-0046">46</date></note> Egyptian triumph, in which he led some captives
						taken in the naval engagement on the Nile.<note anchored="true" resp="HW" place="foot">Plutarch says that Cæsar enjoyed three triumphs
							at this time: " the Egyptian, the Pontic, and the African, not over
							Scipio but probably over King Juba, whose son, still a boy, was led in
							the triumph, being most fortunate in his captivity since he was thus
							changed from a barbarous Numidian to one of the most learned of Greek
							writers."</note> Although he took care not to inscribe any Roman names
						in his triumph (as it would have been unseemly in his eyes and base and
						inauspicious in those of the Roman people to triumph over fellow-citizens),
						yet all these misfortunes were represented in the processions and the men
						also by various images and pictures, all except Pompey, the only one whom he
						did not venture to exhibit, since the latter was still greatly regretted by
						all. The people, although restrained by fear, groaned over their domestic
						ills, especially when they saw the picture of Lucius Scipio, the
						general-in-chief, wounded in the breast by his own hand, casting himself
						into the sea, and Petreius committing self-destruction at the banquet, and
						Cato torn open by himself like a wild beast. They applauded the death of
						Achillas and Pothinus, and laughed at the flight of Pharnaces. </p></div><div n="102" type="textpart" subtype="section"><p>It is said that money to the amount of 60,500 talents [of silver] was borne
						in the procession and 2822 crowns of gold weighing 20,414 pounds, from which
						wealth Cæsar made apportionments immediately after the triumph,
						paying the army all that he had promised and more. Each soldier received
						5000 Attic drachmas, each centurion double, and each tribune of infantry and
						præfect of cavalry fourfold that sum. To each plebeian citizen
						also was given an Attic mina. He gave also various spectacles with horses
						and music, a combat of foot-soldiers, 1000 on each side, and a cavalry fight
						of 200 on each side. There was also another combat of horse and foot
						together. There was a combat of elephants, twenty against twenty, and a
						naval engagement of 4000 oarsmen, where 1000 fighting men contended on each
						side. He erected a temple to Venus, his ancestress, as he had vowed to do
						when he was about to begin the battle of Pharsalus, and he laid out ground
						around the temple which he intended to be a forum for the Roman people, not
						for buying and selling, but a meeting-place for the transaction of public
						business, like the public squares of the Persians, where the people assemble
						to seek justice or to learn the laws. He placed a beautiful image of
						Cleopatra by the side of the goddess, which stands there to this day. He
						caused an enumeration of the people to be made, and it is said that it was
						found to be only one-half of the number existing before this war.<note anchored="true" resp="HW" place="foot">The corresponding passage in
							Plutarch (<title>Life of Cœsar,</title> 55) says: "After the
							games the census was taken and instead of the former 320,000 inhabitants
							the whole number amounted to 150,000." This seems incredible. A note on
							this passage in Langhorne's Plutarch says that Rualdus has not only
							proved by other testimony that this is erroneous but has shown how the
							error came to be made. He says that Plutarch, for want of a thorough
							knowledge of Latin, was misled by a passage in Suetonius which says that
							Cæsar "made a new census (<foreign>recensum</foreign>) not in
							the usual manner or place (in the Campus Martius), but street by street,
							by means of the chief men of the tenement-house districts
								(<foreign>insularum</foreign>), and reduced the number of those
							receiving corn from the public stores from 320,000 to 150,000." The
								<foreign>recensus</foreign> was taken for the purpose of determining
							the number of persons entitled to receive public corn. The Epitome of
							Livy (CXV.) says: " he took a new census (<foreign>recensum</foreign>)
							by which it was ascertained that the number of citizens (<foreign>civium
								capita</foreign>) was 150,000," meaning probably the number entitled
							to receive corn.</note> To such a degree had the rivalry of these two
						men reduced the city. <note anchored="true" resp="HW" place="marg">Y.R.
							709</note>
					</p></div><div n="103" type="textpart" subtype="section"><p>Cæsar, now in his fourth consulship, marched against young Pompeius
						in Spain. This was all that was left of the civil war, but it was not to be
						despised, for such of the nobility as had escaped from Africa had assembled
						here. The army was composed of soldiers from Pharsalus and Africa itself,
						who had come hither with their leaders, and of Spaniards and Celtiberians, a
						strong and warlike race. There was a great number of emancipated slaves also
						in Pompeius' camp. All had been under discipline four years and were ready
						to fight with desperation. Pompeius was misled by this fact and did not
						postpone the battle, but engaged Cæsar straightway on his arrival,
						although the older ones, who had learned by experience at Pharsalus and
						Africa, advised him to wear Cæsar out by delay and reduce him to
						want, as he was in a hostile country. Cæsar made the journey from
						Rome in twenty-seven days, coming with a heavily-laden army by a very long
							<note anchored="true" resp="HW" place="marg">B.C. <date when="-0045">45</date></note> route. Fear fell upon his soldiers as never
						before, in consequence of the reports received of the numbers, the
						discipline, and the desperate valor of the enemy. </p></div><div n="104" type="textpart" subtype="section"><p>For this reason Cæsar himself also was ready to move slowly until
						Pompeius approached him at a certain place where he was reconnoitering and
						accused him of cowardice. Cæsar could not endure this reproach. He
						drew up his forces for battle near Corduba<note anchored="true" resp="HW" place="foot">The modern Cordova. The unknown author of the Commentaries
							on Cæsar's war in Spain places this engagement on the plain of
							Munda, (<foreign>in campum Mundensem</foreign>). Plutarch, Florus,
							Lucan, and the Epitome of Livy say Munda. It is doubtful, however,
							whether this was the Munda shown on the maps as the site of the modern
							Monda. The text of the Commentaries, describing the operations following
							the battle, implies that it was much nearer to Corduba than the present
							Monda is to Cordova.</note> and then, too, gave <title>Venus</title> for
						his watchword. Pompeius, on the other hand, gave <title>Piety</title> for
						his. When battle was joined fear seized upon Cæsar's army and
						hesitation was joined to fear. Cæsar, lifting his hands toward
						heaven, implored all the gods that his many glorious deeds be not stained by
						this single disaster. He ran up and encourged his soldiers. He took his
						helmet off his head and shamed them to their faces and exhorted them. As
						they abated nothing of their fear he seized a shield from a soldier and said
						to the officers around him, "This shall be the end of my life and of your
						military service." Then he sprang forward in advance of his line of battle
						toward the enemy so far that he was only ten feet distant from them. Some
						200 missiles were aimed at him, some of which he dodged while others were
						caught on his shield. Then each of the tribunes ran toward him and took
						position by his side, and the whole army rushed forward and fought the
						entire day, advancing and retreating by turns until, toward evening,
						Cæsar with difficulty won the victory. It was reported that he
						said that he had often fought for victory, but that this time he had fought
						even for existence.<note anchored="true" resp="HW" place="foot">Here we find
							one of those parallel passages in Plutarch -- parallel in language as
							well as in idea -- which suggest that both Plutarch and Appian drew from
							a common Greek, not Latin, source. Plutarch quotes the saying of
							Cæsar: <foreign xml:lang="grc">polla/kis me\n a)gwni/saito peri\
								ni/khs nu=n de\ prw=ton peri\ yuxh=s</foreign> (<title>Life of
								Cæsar,</title> 56), which is the same as the text of
							Appian, except that the latter has <foreign xml:lang="grc">kai\</foreign>
							in place of <foreign xml:lang="grc">prw=ton.</foreign></note>
					</p></div><div n="105" type="textpart" subtype="section"><p>After a great slaughter the Pompeians fled to Corduba, and Cæsar,
						in order to prevent the fugitives from preparing for another battle, ordered
						a siege of that place. The soldiers, wearied with toil, piled the bodies and
						arms of the slain together, fastened them to the earth with spears, and
						encamped behind this kind of a wall. On the following day the city was
						taken. Scapula, one of the Pompeian leaders, erected a funeral pile on which
						he consumed himself. The heads of Varus, Labienus, and other distinguished
						men were brought to Cæsar.<note anchored="true" resp="HW" place="foot">The writer of the Commentaries says that Labienus and Varus
							were killed in the battle of Munda, and that their funeral obsequies
							were performed where they fell.</note> Pompeius himself fled from the
						scene of his defeat with 150 horsemen toward Carteia, where he had a fleet,
						and entered the dockyard secretly as a private individual borne in a litter.
						When he saw that the men here despaired of their safety he feared lest he
						should be delivered up, and took to flight again. While going on board a
						small boat his foot was caught by a rope, and a man who attempted to cut the
						rope with his sword cut the sole of his foot instead. So he sailed to a
						certain place for medical treatment. Being pursued thither he fled by a
						rough and thorny road that aggravated his wound, until fagged out he took a
						seat under a tree. Here his pursuers came upon him and he was cut down while
						defending himself bravely. His head was brought to Cæsar who gave
						orders for its burial. Thus this war also, contrary to expectation, was
						brought to an end in one battle. A younger brother of this Pompeius, also
						named Pompeius but called by his first name, Sextus, collected those who
						escaped from this fight; but as yet he kept moving about in concealment and
						lived by robbery. </p></div></div></div></div></body></text></TEI>
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